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"Official Explorations for Pacific Railroads, 1853-1855."
By George Leslie Albright, 1921.

Notes:

• See the original book page images in the attached searchable pdf version for corrections to the automatically transcribed text, shown below.
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• See the Twelve Volume Pacific Railroad Survey Reports, and additional information about the Explorations and Surveys for a Pacific Railroad.

	UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN HISTORY
	HERBERT E. BOLTON EDITOR
	VOLUME XI

	OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS FOR PACIFIC RAILROADS 1853-1855
	BY GEORGE LESLIE ALBRIGHT, M.A. Native Sons Fellow in Pacific Coast History
	UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1921

	EDITOR'S NOTE Soon after the completion of the present monograph Mr. Albright went to Spain to engage in research as Native Sons' Fellow in Pacific Coast History. A few weeks after his arrival in Seville he contracted typhoid fever, to which he succumbed in November, 1916, at the age of twenty-four. In his death the University of California lost one of her most brilliant alumni, and the State one of her best and most promising young citizens. Through the demise of the author, the editing of his book fell entirely into other hands. The immense value of the work being supported by the Native Sons is well attested by such results as those set forth in this book by Mr. Albright. The desirability of promoting here in the West a study of the part played by the "West in our nation's history is illustrated by a single sentence in Mr. Albright's monograph (p. 29) : "The men who dominated this session [of Congress], and who placed the necessity of a Pacific railroad above sectional feelings and party creeds, were Senators Gwin of California, Rusk of Texas, Borland of Arkansas, and Bell of Tennessee"—all but one being men from this side of the Mississippi. Besides setting forth for the first time a systematic history of an important episode in the process of welding the nation and linking it with the Orient, Mr. Albright's study adds to the list of notable American explorers such names as Stevens, Gunnison, Beckwith, Whipple, Parke, Pope, Emory, Williamson, and Abbot. For funds to supplement those of the University and thereby make possible the suitable publication of this book, thanks are due to Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago, and to Mr. Horace M. Albright, of Yellowstone National Park.

	PREFACE An episode in the development of the trans-Mississippi West to which but scant attention has been given in any history is the Pacific railroad survey of 1853-1855. This great reconnais­sance deserves attention as the first attempt of the government at a comprehensive, systematic examination of the vast region lying between the Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. It is not intended to minimize in any way the labors of the fur-traders, the travelers, and the earlier government explorers, of whom Emory, Stansbury, and Sitgreaves must stand side by side with Fremont. Through their efforts there existed a good general knowledge of the West; but when it was proposed to locate a transcontinental railroad, the dearth of accurate scientific infor­mation was well recognized. All preexisting knowledge was brought to bear upon a few routes which were advocated in definite plans. For that reason I have seen fit to discuss rather fully the different plans in order to show their intimate connec­tion with the railroad explorations. My study has been based almost entirely upon the government documents, and an attempt has been made to study every document bearing upon the subject. The orthography of place names is usually that of the documents.
	vn

	CONTENTS PAGES Editor's Note..................................................................................................          v Preface........................................................................................................ vii CHAPTER I Introductory..............................................................................................           1 CHAPTER II Plans for Transcontinental Roads........................................................ 10 CHAPTER III Preliminaries to the Explorations of 1853-1855............................ 29 CHAPTER IV Stevens's Explorations between the Forty-Seventh and Forty-Ninth Parallels.................................................................... 44 CHAPTER V Explorations for a Central Rodte........................................................ 85 CHAPTER VI Whipple's Explorations along the Thirty-Fifth Parallel........ 102 CHAPTER VII Explorations for a Thirty-Second Parallel Route...................... 119 CHAPTER VIII Explorations fob Routes in Califobnia and Oregon...................... 133 CHAPTER IX Conclusion.................................................................................................. 157 Bibliography.............................................................................................. 159 Index.............................................................................................................. 170

	CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY A Direct Western Route to Asia.—The building of the Pacific railroad was the realization of the desire of almost four hundred years for a direct western passage to Asia. This desire expressed itself first in the search by sea for the mysterious Strait of Anian and for the Northwest Passage. With the occupation of the continent of North America the search was continued for a direct route by means of inland waterways. Every nation that was ever dominant over the interior was zealous for some means of establishing direct commercial intercourse with China and other countries of the Far East. After the Sieur de la Salle had established himself at the Seigniory of St. Sulpice in 1668, his idea was, as his dispatches plainly show, that by following the Mississippi River to its source communication could be had with the waters of Oregon and the Pacific and the commerce of the Far East commanded by France through her province of Louisiana.1 The name of this place, located at the Great Rapids of the St. Lawrence just above Montreal, was changed to La Chine and stands today as a memorial of La Salle's hope that the direct route to China lay in this direction.2 Likewise, the explorations of the Verendryes, La Harpe, Du Tisne, and Fabry were primarily for the purpose of establishing an inland commercial route across the continent. When the Spaniards came into possession of Louisiana the expansion westward along the inland waterways continued. The officials of the province were greatly interested in opening a route to the Pacific.3 Baron de Carondelet, governor-general 1 Winsor, From Cartier to Frontenac, 213. 2 Thwaites, A Brief History of Eocky Mountain Exploration, 22-23. 3 Houck, A History of Missouri, I, 330, note.

	2                    Explorations for Pacific Railroads from 1791 to 1797, undertook, with the approbation and sanction of Charles IV, the project of discovering a practicable route across the continent by way of the Missouri River. For this purpose he encouraged Jacques Clamorgan to organize in 1794 a Spanish trading company, to which was granted the exclusive traffic for ten years with all Indian tribes of the upper Missouri. In addition, a gratuity of two thousand dollars was promised to the first person who should see the Pacific Ocean.4 This enter­prise resulted in explorations far up the Missouri River. The English, likewise, having failed in their long search for the Northwest Passage to Asia, turned their attention inland in search of a transcontinental route. After years of effort on the part of explorers of the Hudson's Bay Company, it remained for Alexander Mackenzie, of the rival Northwest Company, on his second attempt, to open an overland route to the Pacific in 1793. Although he reached the Pacific by means of the Tachouche Tesse, or Fraser River, he pointed to the Columbia as the only desirable route west of the Rocky Mountains. This was, without doubt, one cause of the long efforts made by the British Government, first, to make the Columbia River a bound­ary between the United States and Canada, open to both for navigation, and afterwards to obtain its free navigation. It was the desire of the British to establish an inland commercial route across North America. The Americans meanwhile were not inactive in their desire to open up a commercial route to Asia. As early as 1783 Jefferson planned an expedition under the leadership of George Rogers Clark for the discovery of a path across the Rocky Mountains that would connect the Missouri River with the Pacific Tidewater.5 Failing in this Jefferson in 1786 while in * Houck, 329-330; Bolton and Marshall, Colonization of North America, 402. 5 Thwaites, Original Journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-1806, VII, Pt. I, Appendix I.

	Introductory                                     3 Paris prevailed upon John Ledyard, who had been in Cook's expedition to Oregon in 1778, to cross from Kamtchatka and open up a route from the west.6 Owing to Russian interference, Led­yard 's expedition was a failure. Expeditions begun in 1790 under General Henry Knox and in 1793 under the French botanist, Michaux,7 were alike failures. Even before the acqui­sition of Louisiana, Jefferson once more revived the idea of establishing an inland communication between the two sides of the continent, and sent out the well-known expedition of Lewis and Clark for that purpose. In his secret message to Congress on January 18, 1803, he states his desire to open a route to the Pacific, saying: "The commerce on that line [referring to the lakes and portages of the Hudson's Bay Company] could bear no competition with that of the Missouri, traversing a moderate climate, offering, according to the best accounts, a continued navigation from its source, and possibly with a single portage from the Western Ocean.... "8 The objects of the expe­dition are more definitely stated in his letter of credit to Lewis of July 4, 1803, in which he refers to it as: "...the journey which you are about to undertake for the discovery of the course and source of the Missouri, and of the most convenient water communication from thence to the Pacific ocean."9 The expe­dition was successful in finding a communication, but Jefferson did not remain in power to carry out the practical design. Senator Benton, who for more than thirty years occupied a foremost position among the statesmen of the nation, as early as 1817 turned his attention to this subject, and conceived a plan for the establishment of a commercial route leading up the Missouri and down the Columbia rivers. He believed that Asiatic commerce might be brought into the valley of the e Jefferson, Writings (Ford, ed.), I, 94-96. i Ibid., VI, 158-161. 8 Thwaites, op. oit., Appendix V. 9 Hid., Appendix XX.

	4                    Explorations for Pacific Railroads Mississippi on that line, and wrote essays to support the idea. The gist of these essays10 was to show that Asiatic commerce had been the pursuit of all nations from the time of the Phoenicians and that America would be its final channel. He believed that such a route should be established immediately and with gov­ernment aid. Being occupied with that idea he agitated it for many years; and from the hunters and traders of the west he sought information of the country with respect to capacity for settlement and especially as regarded mountain passes.11 Development of the West.—To the popular imagination of the first half of the nineteenth century, the vast region lying west of the Mississippi River was the "Great American Desert."12 This idea persisted and the desert long remained as a frontier despite the fact that as early as 1819 settlement had reached the bend of the Missouri, and trade had been opened up with Santa Fe and the interior provinces of Mexico.13 In 1843, an additional attraction was offered in Oregon, and another well worn trail was made from Fort Leavenworth along the Platte River, through South Pass, and down the Snake River into the Oregon country. Meanwhile, numerous exploring expeditions, official
	10 Benton, Highway to the Pacific. iifieport, 29 Cong., 1 sess., IV (491), no. 773; Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 470. 12 This conception largely resulted from the observations of Major Stephen H. Long, who in 1819 and 1820 made explorations in this region and characterized it as '' wholly unfit for cultivation, and of course unin­habitable by a people depending upon agriculture for their subsistence ... the scarcity of wood and water, almost uniformly prevalent, will prove an insurmountable obstacle in the way of settling the country" (Thwaites, Early Western Travels, 1748-1846, XIV, 20). Dr. James, the scientist of the Long expedition, rendered a similar unfavorable impression of the country: "... the want of timber, of navi­gable streams, and of water for the necessities of life, render it an unfit residence for any but a nomad population" (ibid., 20). 13 By 1824 this trade had risen to such magnitude as to demand national protection ('' Extracts from the Speech of Mr. Benton in the Senate.... Session of 1824-25, in favor of opening a road from Missouri to Santa Fe, in order to reach the trade of New Mexico" in Benton, Highway to the Pacific, Appendix B).

	Introductory                                     5 and unofficial, were making known vast regions beyond the Mis­sissippi. To call them to mind it is only necessary to mention the names of Long, Pilcher, Bonneville, Walker, Smith, and Fremont. Later in the forties, the discovery of gold in Califor­nia attracted emigration across the Nevada desert and along the Humboldt into the Sacramento Valley. Other trails of approach were soon opened up for easy entrance into the gold region.14 With the conclusion of the Mexican War and the acquisition of California, a new territorial problem was presented, which was made more difficult by the existence of the barrier of the "Great American Desert" between the new settlements in the Far West and those of the old East.15 The trails leading into Oregon and California were inadequate, yet they "revealed the possibility and early necessity of railroad routes extending from ocean to ocean."16 Necessity of a Railroad.—At first the primary object of a railroad to the Pacific was to facilitate access to the opulent commerce of the Far East, which had been the golden vision of all ages and all nations. This was the aim of Whitney and all earlier advocates of a transcontinental route; every plan proposed was accompanied by a wealth of figures showing the commercial benefits to be derived from Asiatic trade. With the settlement of the Oregon boundary question and the acquisition of California in 1848, an additional incentive was provided for
	i* The most traveled route was the northern, leading from the Humboldt along the Truckee River to its source in Truckee Lake and thence down the Yuba to Feather and Sacramento rivers. The southern route led from Independence, Missouri, to Santa Fe, thence to deviate in various directions: by the old Spanish trail around the north banks of the Colorado, crossing Virgin Biver to the Mojave River and Desert and through Cajon Pass to Los Angeles; through Arizona along the Gila; down the Rio Grande and westward across the Sonora table-land to Yuma (Bancroft, History of California, VI, 155-157 and notes). is Paxson, '' The Pacific Railroad and the Disappearance of the Frontier in America,'' in American Historical Association, Annual Report, 1907, I 108. i« Ibid.

	6                    Explorations for Pacific Railroads the building of a means of rapid communication. This new territory on the Pacific must be adequately defended, and the cheapest and quickest means of defense was a railroad.17 The fear was often expressed that unless some connection be main­tained with Oregon and California, it was hardly to be expected that they would continue as a part of the Union.18 Difficulties with England were believed possible by many statesmen, and in event of war it was feared that California and Oregon would be lost to her. The regular sea routes being cut off by the superior British navy, overland aid would arrive too late to be of service.19 The fear of the British was greatly enhanced when, in 1851, a railroad was projected across Canada from Halifax to the Pacific, capital solicited, and a route surveyed as far as Quebec. With the spread of settlement on the Pacific Coast it became necessary for the government to transport thither materials for the building of forts, dockyards, arsenals, etc. It also became necessary that mails be carried more rapidly, more frequently and more cheaply.20 These needs pointed to a railroad as an immediate national undertaking. i' This argument was used in almost every speech in Congress in favor of a railroad to the Pacific from 1846 on. While discussion of the Oregon question was at its height, Eepresentative Pratt, in presenting "Whitney's first memorial, emphasized the necessity of a road "for the purpose of securing the American interests in the vast regions of Oregon, and promot­ing the capacities of our common country for warlike defence...." Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (1844-45), XIV, 218; ibid., 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 472; S. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (585), no. 439. is Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 381; ibid., 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXV, 932; ibid., 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 709; H. Misc. Docs., 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (581), no. 21. ^Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., I sess. (1851-52), XXIV, 2466; "Memorial of the Little Kock Railroad Convention," in S. Misc. Docs., 32 Cong., 2 sess. (670), doc. 5. 20 In 1848, the tariff for mail from San Francisco to Independence was fifty cents each on letters and twelve and one-half cents on papers, the time of transit being sixty days. In 1852 the government was paying to the Collins line of steamers $750,000 per annum for the transmission of a semi­monthly mail by way of Panama to Oregon and California. It was estimated that the annual saving of expense to the government on all transportation, if a railroad were built, would amount to $62,750,000. Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, 1272.

	Introductory                                     7 But, notwithstanding the pressing need (1) of diverting the profitable commerce of the Orient into American channels, (2) of defending the newly acquired possessions on the Pacific, (3) of facilitating communication with them, (4) of forestall­ing the evident designs of England upon the Oregon country, and (5) of protecting emigrants from Indian depredations and fulfilling the treaty obligations made to Mexico to protect her from Indian ravages, no plan for the building of a railroad could be agreed upon because of local prejudices and jealousies, the avowed enmity of the eastern states to any measure that would increase the power of those of the West, and party scruples regarding state rights and internal improvements. Growth of the Railroad Idea.—The question of the original conception of railroad communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans does not come within the scope of this study. Such was the progressive nature of the American mind and its disposition to grasp conclusions at the very moment that the original premises were presented, at least as far as enterprise was concerned, that the idea of a passage across the continent must have occurred to many with the first successful railroad projects in the United States. But the scheme of a railway to the Pacific was one of such magnitude that notwithstanding the general conviction of its vast importance and the ardent desire to see it undertaken, it was, for many years, but infrequently urged upon the consideration of the people lest it be looked upon as too visionary and too impractical. The project was first systematically brought to the attention of the people in the middle forties by the constant lobbying of Asa Whitney. Prior to that time, however, there had been sev­eral isolated suggestions that had failed of fruition. As early as 1832 there appeared in the Ann Arbor Emigrant the first printed suggestion as to the advisability of a railroad from New York to

	8                    Explorations for Pacific Railroads the mouth of the Columbia River.21 In 1834, Dr. Barlow of Greenville, Massachusetts, wrote articles proposing that the gov­ernment construct a railroad to the Pacific Coast.22 During 1836-37, John Plumbe, a Minnesota engineer, advocated the building of a transcontinental railway system. As a result of his activities, the first public convention ever held to discuss the Pacific railroad project met in Dubuque, Iowa, on March 31, 1838. Resolutions were drawn up asking Congress to aid by appropriating funds, and in due time were laid before that body by the territorial delegate. The only action taken by Congress was to set aside sufficient funds for a survey from Milwaukee to Dubuque. Again, in 1840, a memorial was addressed to Congress and presented by Plumbe in person. But he was far ahead of his time and his efforts were wasted.23 Even as late as 1846 the building of a railroad to the Pacific was regarded by most people as a vague chimera. This can be seen from the following comment made upon the proposal to extend a line of railroad from Charleston, South Carolina, to Natchez and on to the Gulf of California: "We are to be sure, first, that we have Oregon and California to work so largely upon. It is not our intention to dampen the ardor of those who appear to be so far beyond the age, knowing as we do that the enterprise and the resources of our people are without limit, and that the developments among us for the past few years have out­stripped all calculation. We leave the Texas and California railway, then, as one of those achievements which is reserved for us at some other period, when we have conquered all the obstacles which obstruct our free intercommunication at home. Texas, we know, will soon be able to take care of herself; and California is at best a distant vision whose dim outlines only can be traced.' '2i 21  Carter, When Bailroads Were New, 227; Bailey, The First Trans­continental Railroad, 11-12. 22 Haney, Congressional History of Bailroads to 1850, 402-403. 23  Carter, op. cit., 227-228. Bow's Commercial Review, January, 1846 (I, 23-24).

	Introductory                                     9 By the early inhabitants of the Pacific territories, those who knew best the actual condition of the country west of the Mis­sissippi, a railroad was likewise regarded as chimerical. The editor of the California Star, writing in 1848, while favoring any plan for a railroad, would "not consent to view 'this stupendous project' practicable, nevertheless, for a number of years to come.... The depredatory acts of intractable Indians, directly through whose country the route lies, is one of a series of obstacles to the actual execution of the work.' '25
	25 California Star, May 20, 1848 (II, no. 20).

	CHAPTER II PLANS FOR TRANSCONTINENTAL ROADS The man to whom most credit is due for the spread and national acceptance of the idea of a railroad to the Pacific is Asa Whitney, of New York. He embodied and reduced the indefinite schemes on the subject into something like system; and he gave them form and substance. He familiarized the American mind with the idea and taught that it should be regarded as a practicable measure. He conceived the first definite, matured plan, and pointed out the route to be followed, the means of construction, and the immediate necessity of the work. His proposal, first made public in 1844, was for more than eight years persistently urged upon the attention of Con­gress and the people, but was doomed, however, to failure in the end. The service of Whitney to the whole Pacific railroad project can best be shown by quoting from the report of the House Committee on Roads and Canals, to which one of his memorials had been referred: "Mr. Whitney has been unremit­tingly engaged, at his own expense, since 1841, in collecting information on the subject... and we are indebted to him for the origination of the project, for the maturity of the first plan, for the large amount of practical information he has brought to bear upon the subject, and for the awakening of public attention to its importance.' !1 The history and the importance of his plan will be more fully treated later. Unofficial Plans for a Southern Route.—No sooner had Whit­ney's plan for a northern road from Lake Michigan to Oregon been presented to Congress2 than numerous suggestions and iff. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140. 2 His first memorial was presented January 28, 1845, by Eepresentative Pratt of New Tork. Cong. Globe, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (1844-45), XIV, 218.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roods                   11 proposals were made for a southern route. Colonel Gadsden, president of the South Carolina Railroad Company, was among the first advocates of a strictly southern railroad. In a report made by him at the Memphis Convention, held in November, 1845, and of which John C. Calhoun was chairman, he recom­mended the enterprise as one not only practicable, but in the process of time as certain of execution. In his annual report for 1845 to the stockholders of the South Carolina Railroad Com­pany, he again presented the subject, accompanied by a map exhibiting the intimate relation between the route of the road as suggested by him and those completed and in progress through the different states of the Union.3 Other early advocates of railroad routes through southern territory were Robert Patterson,4 editor of the Concordia In­telligencer, and Professor Forshey, of Louisiana. The route suggested by the latter was the one most in favor in the South. It traversed Louisiana from Vidalia to Lowe's Ferry on the Sabine, thence directly across Texas to the Rio Grande, at Pre­sidio, thence to Monclova, and then by way of Parras to Mazatlan on the Gulf of California. The estimated length of this route was 1,491 miles and its estimated cost, $22,000,000.5 3 Be Bow's Commercial Beview, May, 1847 (III, 447); ibid., June, 1847 (III, 485): "In connection with these Atlantic railroad communications with Vicksburg, Grand Gulf and Natchez; crossing the Mississippi at one or all of these points, roads are already projected, looking further to the west, which, uniting on a common trunk, in the rapid progress of south­western expansion and emigration, will, in time, be made to course through the new acquired territory of Texas, and by the Mexican provinces to a terminus at Mazatlan, in the bay of California, or, taking a more northerly direction by the valley of the Bed and Arkansas rivers, may easily pass by the southern gorges in the Stony Mountains, and find, in the course of events, certain, though slow, a more favorable location in the imposing Bay of San Francisco.'' * He urged the building of a railroad from Vidalia on the Mississippi Eiver to Alexandria on the Red, and thence continuing the road westward. Be Bow's Commercial Meview, March, 1846 (I, 281). 5 Hid., 475—483. It was urged at this time that the right of way through Mexican territory be demanded of that country. Two years later, by the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, Article VI provided that by mutual agreement a railroad could be built on Mexican soil, but only within one marine league of the Gila Eiver.

	12                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads A different southern line was proposed by General Houston. It was to run from Galveston to San Diego by way of the Gila Valley. This route, however, had the disadvantage of having its eastern terminus located too far south.6 Leaders of public opinion in the South held firmly to the view that any of the southern routes proposed was infinitely more practicable, desirable, and accessible to the country at large than that proposed by Asa Whitney from Lake Michigan "through cold and mountains, 2600 miles to the mouth of the Columbia River."7 Among those who early migrated to California by way of the southern routes, were some who recognized and advocated the feasibility of the construction of a railroad. The California Star of May 8, 1847, contains an article signed "Agricola," in which was delineated a route asserted to be entirely practicable for that purpose. The western terminus should be placed near the mouth of the San Joaquin River, about twenty miles above the Straits of Carquinas; the route should then follow the valley of the river to the south about five hundred miles, skirting the western shore of "Lake Buenavista."8 After crossing "a narrow ridge of low hills,'' the route was level and open to the Red, or Colorado River of the West. The valley of this river should be followed to that of the San Juan, thence up the latter to the Rio de la Plata. Following this river to its source about ninety miles from Abecu,9 thence to Abecu and along the river of that name (Chama) to the Rio Grande and thence to Santa Fe; the route was entirely practicable for a railroad. Prom Santa Pe to the Missouri, or to the Mississippi, several well-known routes were 8/6td., July, 1849 (VIII, 19-20). Houston urged his plan upon the attention of Congress, but it was received with little favor. Cong. Globe., 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 551. 7De Bow's Commercial Meview, February, 1847 (III, 147-148). s Undoubtedly the "Laguna Grande de los Tulares," which lies to the north of the small Lake Buenavista. 9 Abiquiu.

	Plans for Trams continental Roads                   13 then available.10 It was generally conceded in California by persons possessing a knowledge of the country through actual observation, that the southern route had claim to manifold advantages and was superior to that through South Pass pro­posed by "Whitney, Wilkes, and others.11 The Whitney Project.—Despite agitation in the southern states and in California for a southern route, the project of Asa Whitney was the only one long to receive the serious consider­ation of Congress and the national support of the people. He offered facts and figures to show the practicability of his route, the adequacy of the means proposed, and the immense commer­cial benefits to be derived. The fact that its western terminus was in the recently settled Oregon country gave it an added interest and desirability. Whitney's plan was first presented to Congress in January, 1845, but no definite action was taken con­cerning it by the House Committee on Roads and Canals to which it was referred. However, a favorable report was made by the committee,12 which recognized the immense importance of the work and urged further investigation. In February, 1846, Whitney having meanwhile examined the proposed route for several hundred miles west of the Mississippi and found it entirely practicable,13 a second memorial was presented.14 Since Whitney's plan was received with such widespread favor and the means proposed were thought for so long a time
	i» A route very similar to that of "Agrieola" was urged in 1848 by John Marsh, of San Jose, and its advantages over that proposed by Whitney pointed out. The California Star, May 13, 1848 (II, no. 19). 11 The California Star, May 20, 1848 (II, no. 20). The great immigra­tion to California during 1849 and 1850 concentrated attention on other routes than the southern. Added information on all routes caused many in California to advocate the central as the most practicable, particularly as San Francisco would be its western terminus. Daily Pacific News, April 27, 1850 (I, no. 130). 12 H. Seports, 28 Cong., 2 sess. (468), no. 199. is S. Docs., 29 Cong., 1 sess., IV (473), doc. 161. " S. Journal, 29 Cong., 1 sess. (469), 161.

	14                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads to be the only constitutional ones, a paragraph may well be devoted to the details as presented in his second memorial. Whitney asked for a strip of land, thirty miles wide on either side of the line from Lake Michigan to the Pacific Ocean by way of South Pass, or, according to his estimate, a total of 77,952,000 acres. These lands were to be set apart and sold to him at the rate of ten cents per acre. Whitney proposed first, however, to survey and build ten miles of road at his own expense; then, if approved by the government, he would receive one half of the reserved lands, or a strip five miles by sixty in width, to reimburse himself and enable him to commence a new section of ten miles. This process was to continue for each ten mile section until the first eight hundred miles were completed. Whitney believed that the lands of the remaining distance were of too little value to defray the cost of construction. Accord­ingly, the remaining half of the lands of the first eight hundred miles were to be sold under government supervision and the proceeds applied to the completion of the railroad to the Pacific. By this means, the building of the road was closely connected with the sale and settlement of the public lands. Whitney estimated the cost of the road, including $7,800,000, the amount to be paid by him for the land, at $68,400,000. He advocated private ownership and operation, greatly restricted, however, and under adequate government control in the fixing of rates, etc.; mails and troops were to be transported free of charge to the government. Whitney continually urged haste, for the desirable lands west of the Mississippi River were rapidly being occupied. In fact, he soon was compelled to change his proposed eastern terminus from Lake Michigan to Prairie du Chien, the good lands in Wis­consin Territory having been occupied.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                   15 It is not necessary to trace in detail the course of Whitney's plan in Congress.15 His second memorial, presented in 1846, was referred to the Senate Committee on Public Lands, the full and able report of whose chairman, Mr. Breese, of Illinois, was accompanied by a bill, as a form of law, to carry it into effect.16 Despite the recognized importance of the measure, there was violent opposition made to the printing of the bill and the report. This opposition was led by Senator Benton, who characterized the bill as "ridiculous."17 His motives are easily discerned: he was interested in an isthmian canal scheme projects for which continually rivalled those for a Pacific railroad; also he was perfecting a plan which should have the eastern terminus of the Pacific railroad in his own favorite state, Missouri. In the first session of the thirtieth Congress (1847-48), the select committee of the House, which had been appointed to con­sider the various memorials for a railroad to the Pacific, and to which Whitney's proposition had been referred, early reported a bill to set apart and sell to him a portion of the public lands.18 The same committee, later in the session, made a more lengthy report, setting forth the great importance of the project and urging its adoption.19 At the same session it was referred to a select committee in the Senate, of which Mr. Niles, of Con­necticut, was chairman, who, with the unanimous approval of the committee, reported a bill and urged its adoption.20 Benton, as before, headed the opposition to the bill, saying: '' We must have surveys, examination, and exploration made, and not go blindfold into a scheme."21
	is Whitney's plan has been dealt with in detail in many secondary accounts: E. V. Smalley (History of the Northern Pacific Railroad) devotes a chapter to his project and Haney (op. cit.) makes an exhaustive study of it from the sources. is S. Ex. Docs., 29 Cong., 1 sess., IX (478), doc. 466. it Cong. Globe., 29 Cong., 1 sess. (1845-46), XV, 1171. isB. Journal, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (513), 755. ™H. Seports, 30 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (526), no. 733. 20 Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (1847^8), XVIII, 875. 21 Ibid., 1011.

	16                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads While "Whitney's plan had been more or less gaining favor in Congress, he had been touring the country and explaining his project to state legislatures and numerous large public meetings. The effects of this widespread and systematic campaign were soon evident, for memorials and petitions began to pour in upon Congress, favoring his plan of construction. During 1847 and 1848, the state legislatures of Indiana, Rhode Island, Illinois, New York, Connecticut, Maine, Vermont, Georgia, Tennessee, Alabama, Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Kentucky, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Michigan, in most cases by unanimous votes, passed resolutions declaring it "the only feasible plan for the accomplishment of the work," recommending its immediate adoption, and requesting their delegates in Congress to give it their prompt attention and support.22 Public meetings held during the years 1846 to 1848 at Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Louisville, St. Louis, Terre Haute, In­dianapolis, Dayton, Columbus (Ohio), Wheeling, Philadelphia, and Benton (Miss.), endorsed Whitney's project as necessary and practicable. The question was given calm and favorable consideration in the South as well as in the North.23 Although a more southern route than that proposed by Whitney was desired by the southern people, at the same time the prac­ticability and great commercial value of the latter was never doubted, and it was believed that in its plan and details it em­braced the only constitutional mode of effecting the work.24 The various petitions and memorials of state legislatures and public meetings were, in the first session of the thirtieth Congress (1847-48), referred to the Senate Committee on Public Lands, and a report was made June 26, 1848. No action was taken on
	22  S. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess. (511), nos. 1, 4, 5, 18, 28, 29, 51, 58, 76, 77, and 124; S. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess. (523), nos. 17, 47, 55, 68, 75, etc. 23 Be Bow's Commercial Eeview, January, 1848 (V), 60. 2i Ibid., December, 1850 (IX), 601.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                   17 Whitney's plan, but the committee recommended the adoption of a joint resolution providing for a survey and exploration, under the direction of the Secretary of War, of one or more routes for a railroad from the Mississippi below the Falls of St. Anthony to the Pacific.25 This seems to be the first recognition of the importance of thorough surveys before any plan of construction could be matured. During the short session of the thirtieth Congress (1848-1849) that body was occupied in framing a bill for the govern­ment of California, to the exclusion of almost all other matters. When, however, Senator Niles wished to take up the Whitney bill and make it the special order for a certain day, he was opposed by Borland, chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. The latter emphasized the necessity of adequate surveys before either the government or private parties should under­take the work; and finally he secured an amendment to the Whit­ney bill authorizing the Secretary of War to cause surveys to be made on such routes as he might deem proper from the Mis­sissippi River to the Pacific.28 Senator Benton again expressed himself as opposed to Whitney's or any other private enterprise, and, later in this session, he introduced his proposal for a national central highway.27 In March, 1850, the House Committee on Roads and Canals made a lengthy report, approving the plan and route of Whitney and a bill was reported to give effect to the views of the com­mittee.28 At the same session, the whole subject was referred to the Senate Committee on Roads and Canals, and again the adoption of Whitney's plan was recommended.29
	25 S. Reports, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (512), no. 191. No action was taken, however, on the recommendation at this time. 2«Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess (1848-49), XX, 381. 27 Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 472. 28S. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess. I (583), no. 140. 29 8. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (565), no. 194.

	18                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Whitney's great project was a failure, despite the many favorable committee reports and innumerable memorials urging its adoption by Congress. But for these he was more indebted to the great anxiety that prevailed throughout the country for speedy and cheap communication with the vast interests on the Pacific Coast, than to any merit pertaining to the location of the proposed road or the details of his scheme. As other plans and other routes developed, Whitney and his project became less and less popular. When, in the winter of 1851-1852, Whitney asked for the use of the Hall of the House of Representatives in order to explain there his project he was twice refused; and only by a bare two thirds majority were the rules finally suspended and permission granted him in January, 1851.30 As opposition to Whitney's proposal became more widespread, petitions were addressed to Congress, asking that no action be taken upon it. In March, 1852, the citizens of Sacramento County, California, in a memorial, opposed the plan, both as to route and means of construction, and remonstrated against its adoption.31 Final official discussion was held on this historic project in 1852. In January of that year a House committee reported, favoring the means proposed and the general route, substituting Memphis, however, as the eastern terminus.32 In April the Sen­ate Committee on Post Office and Post Roads, to which his final memorial had been referred, made a favorable report.33 Its chairman, Senator Rusk, of Texas, stated that while the bill was not entirely acceptable to him, the matter was of such vast im­portance, especially to the frontier sections, that quick action was necessary. The bill was strongly opposed, however, by the adherents of a national road, among them Senator Gwin, of California, and was tabled, to receive no further official con­sideration.
	H. Journal, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (594), 82; 136-138. S. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (610), 247. . Beports, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (656), no. 101. . Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 2, 942.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roods                   19 If we inquire into the reasons for the failure of the Whitney plan, we find them to be manifold. It was opposed by those skeptical people who would have decried any plan of transcon­tinental communication as too vast, impracticable, and impossible. It was asserted that there was not sufficient business to sanction and keep up a railroad and that tolls would necessarily be so high as to exclude business. Whitney was opposed on the grounds that he asked for too large a grant of land and that he sought to gain power through the control of the enterprise. In addition he was opposed by those persons interested in other schemes, especially by those engaged in exploiting isthmian routes and in speculating in soldiers' land warrants.34 Sectional and local interests and jealousies reared themselves in opposition in order to impede action upon the project and defeat this first feasible plan for the accomplishment of the enterprise. Such jealousies were essentially local, such as one city striving for recognition over a neighboring city as the terminus of the road. The South generally favored Whitney's scheme from the beginning, as against no road at all.35 It was there considered in its purely national aspects in which each part of the country was to share equally.38 Whitney's was the only project that did not rely directly or indirectly upon the public treasury for means, which dependence would never be sanctioned by the South.37 There was, likewise, no other route which could furnish an adequate amount of public land to induce Whitney to undertake the work. It was shown to be to the interest of the southern states to build a road or roads east of the Mississippi River, connecting with the northern trans­continental route. Without .doubt, the South hoped for and 3* H. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140, p. 10. 35Z>e Bow's Commercial Review, December, 1850 (IX, 601). 36J&M?., October, 1847 (IV), 164; 175. 37 Ibid., 612.

	20                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads desired a southern route, but not to the extent of opposing and conniving at the defeat of a northern one. Should the North be given the first route, it would be but a few years until the South must, likewise, secure one.38 Benton's National Central Highway.—In opposition to the project of Whitney for private construction and ownership, Benton advocated a railroad to be built and operated by the government. His plan was first proposed in February, 1849,39 but did not take the form of a bill until the following year.40 Benton proposed that a strip of land one hundred miles in width be reserved from St. Louis to San Francisco, an estimated dis­tance of sixteen hundred miles. He suggested that the road should be built along the main branch of the Kansas River, and the upper waters of the Arkansas and Huerfano rivers, and thence continue through Utah Pass, about three degrees south of the South Pass, to the headwaters of the Rio del Norte. After crossing the Great Basin the route would traverse the Sierra Nevada Mountains near their center, or turn them to the south and proceed thence to San Francisco. This central route was known to Benton through the explorations of his son-in-law, John C. Fremont. Benton's bill further provided that strips of land, fifty miles in width and five hundred miles long, should be reserved for the construction of branch roads starting from the Great Basin, one to Santa Fe and one to the mouth of the Columbia. The railroad should be built and owned by the gov­ernment, being national in form and use. To provide means for construction, Benton advocated the use of the income from customs duties, the proceeds from the sale of public lands in California, New Mexico, and Oregon,'and loans in anticipation of these resources. His project comprised the setting apart and 38 Ve Bow's Commercial Review, December, 1850 (IX, 601). 39  Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1849-50), XX, 472. io ibid., 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 56-58.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                   21 sale of approximately one hundred and fifty millions of acres, or almost double the amount asked by Whitney. Benton's bill provided that all information bearing on the central route should be collected by the government and that further examinations and surveys should be authorized by the President. This plan was as arbitrary in fixing the route of the proposed railroad as was that of Whitney and was opposed on the same grounds. The bill further provided that as soon as the route should be definitely located the President should cause the Indian titles to the land to be extinguished. For this purpose and that of the surveys, $300,000 was to be appropriated from the national treasury.41 While previously the people, generally, had accepted the idea of private construction of the railroad, the national method now gained in popularity, and Benton's project secured many adherents. The Secretary of the Interior, in his report made December 2, 1850, favored Benton's national scheme, but em­phasized the necessity of a careful survey of the country and its resources before fixing the route.42 Numerous petitions were presented from all sections of the Union urging the construction of a national highway as a national necessity.43 Benton, however, was soon to retire from Congress, and the project, deprived of the powerful support which he alone could give it, was superseded by others which promised more definite action. The national scheme, likewise, had its enemies in Con­gress, who saw and feared in that method of construction and *i For further details of the Benton project see Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 58. izCong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, Appendix, p. 7. 43 The state of California sent resolutions to Congress for a national road, urging, however, the necessity of complete surveys to determine the most practicable route. Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 132. For other memorials see Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 1, pp. 4, 21; S. Journal, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (566), 1471; 8. Journal, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (568), 46.

	22                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads operation a powerful political machine and a national source of corruption.44 The Memphis and St. Louis Conventions.—The increasing importance of the Pacific railroad project from 1849 on is demonstrated by the numerous meetings held in almost every state of the Union. As a result of these meetings memorials, petitions, and resolutions were addressed to Congress, all of which urged prompt action.45 Different termini and routes were advocated as well as different means of construction, but all were agreed that a railroad should be provided for at once. Two meetings held in the fall of 1849, one at Memphis and the other at St. Louis, attracted widespread attention and presented plans and routes of sufficient bearing to be treated somewhat at length. Delegates from twelve southern states and several northern and western states met at Memphis in October, 1849, to discuss the question of a transcontinental railroad and to urge upon Con­gress the necessity of immediate action.46 Lieutenant Maury, superintendent of the National Observatory at Washington, and a man well informed upon the western and Pacific regions, was elected president. Resolutions were drawn up stating: first, that it was the duty of the general government to provide at an early period for the construction of a national railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean; second, that engineers should be appointed and surveys and the location of the route be completed by the general government; third, that for the con­struction of the road the public lands constituted a proper fund, and that it was the duty of Congress, after the building of the "Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-50), XXII, Appendix, pp. 329-336. « s. Journal, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (548), 32, 47, 93, 110, 236, 254, etc. Ibid., 31 Cong., 2 sess. (586), 59, 113, 126, etc. R. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (632), 189, 208, etc. *6 De Bow's Commercial Review, March, 1850 (VIII, 217).

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                   23 main trunk road, to aid by an appropriation from the national domain in the construction of branch railroads to connect with the Great Lakes and the great thoroughfares leading to the Atlan­tic, and also to aid in the construction of branches from the main trunk to suitable points on the Gulf of Mexico; and fourth, that in the event of the appropriation by Congress of a consider­able portion of the public lands, or of the proceeds of the sales thereof, to the construction of a railroad, liberal appropriations of the public lands lying within the limits of the respective states should be made to aid in the construction.47 The proposed route, as advocated by the Memphis Conven­tion, would commence at the port of San Diego, pursuing a direct line to the Colorado River; thence to the Gila and along the valley of the latter to El Paso del Norte; thence across the state of Texas to its northeastern boundary near the thirty-fourth parallel of north latitude, and terminating at some point on the Mississippi River between the mouth of the Ohio and the mouth of the Red, preferably at Memphis.48 The memorial of the Memphis Convention was referred to the House Committee on Naval Affairs, which reported August 1, 1850. The report of its chairman, Mr. Stanton, embodied the entire memorial and was accompanied by a bill providing for
	<" De Bow's Commercial Review, December, 1849 (VII, 551-552). izttid., March, 1850 (VIII, 229). H. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., 1849-50, III (585), no. 439, pp. 12-13. This was substantially the route advo­cated several years before by Colonel J. J. Abert, chief of the Topographical Engineers, and Colonel Hughes of the army. They proposed that a railroad commence at San Diego on the Pacific, run to the Colorado and along its affluent, the Gila, to a point near its source; then pass into the valley of the Eio Grande del Norte, keeping within the jurisdiction of the United States. From this point, the line would pass through Texas to Nacogdoches, where Abert proposed a bifurcation of the road—one branch to run nearly direct to the Mississippi above the mouth of the Eed. A slight deflection would carry it to Vicksburg or Memphis, as might be deemed most expedient. The northern branch would cross the Red Eiver at the great bend or vicinity; then, crossing the Arkansas Eiver at Little Eock, pursue its course to St. Louis.

	24                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads the survey of the proposed routes for a railroad across the con­tinent.49 The St. Louis Convention, with similar objects in view, met in the same month and was attended by delegates from both northern and southern states. The guiding spirit of the meeting was Senator Benton, and it was due primarily to his influence that the following resolutions were passed: (1) "That, in the opinion of this convention, it is the duty of the General Govern­ment to provide, at an early period, for the construction of a central national railroad from the valley of the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean"; and (2) "That, in the opinion of this con­vention a grand trunk railroad, with branches to St. Louis, Memphis and Chicago, would be such a central and national one."50 To avoid state and local prejudices the Convention proposed that the government should confine its operations to the territory beyond the limits of the states, leaving the various branches to be built by the states through liberal grants of government lands. The Convention also urged the necessity of a thorough survey of all routes that might be considered practicable. The memorial of the St. Louis Convention was presented to the Senate on January 3, 1850, by Vice-President Pillmore. Benton, however, moved that the memorial be laid on the table, which was concurred in.51 He thus made the way clear for his own national project which he was just at that time perfecting. These two conventions may be said to represent local inter­ests. The people of St. Louis and of the adjacent country urged that city as the only suitable starting point, while the citizens of Memphis as strongly supported her position. Mr. Robinson, chairman of the House Committee on Roads and
	**H. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (585), no. 439. so De Bow's Review, December, 1849 (VIII, 551); also in Cong. Olooe, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-50), XXII, Appendix, pt. 1, p. 335. 5i Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-1850), XXI, pt. 1, p. 97.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                   25 Canals, in making his report in 1850, favorable to Whitney's plan, took occasion to point out the weaknesses in the projects submitted by both conventions: '' They have pointed out no means of executing their respective plans, except by dependence on the national treasury; and the committee think, that if those conventions had been brought to the question of means, they would have been confounded. None can deny that this is the sine qua non of questions on this subject.... The question of means falls to the ground on any other plan than that of Mr. Whitney ... the government, itself, would sink under the attempt to build this road on any other plan.' '52 Mills' Central Route to the Pacific.—A route similar to that recommended by the Memphis Convention was in May, 1852, urged upon Congress by the memorial of Robert Mills.53 Mills had given the subject serious consideration for years, and had long sought to arouse and fix public attention upon it with a view to a practicable result. As early as 1847, he had mapped out a definite route and asked for a survey by the government.54 In his memorial he emphasized the necessity of immediate action, believing that sufficient information had been gathered from previous explorations to map out a practicable route. He proposed two main eastern branches, the terminus of one being at St. Louis, which would connect with all roads coming from the north, east, southeast, and as far south as Richmond, and that of the other at Memphis, which would connect with all southern railroads. After uniting near Van Buren on the Arkansas River, the main trunk would follow a direct line to El Paso del Norte, and thence by way of the Gila Valley to San Diego. Mills believed that the Gila route would prove more advantageous, even to San Francisco, than one by the Great
	52JST. Reports, 31 Cong., 1 sess., I (583), no. 140. 53 S. Journal, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (610), 390. 5*S. Misc. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess., I (511), doc. 51.

	26                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Basin and Sacramento Valley, eight degrees further north. He proposed that the work be national in construction and owner­ship and urged that surveys be made so as to judge of the route "that would centralize advantages and give to each state an equal chance through branch connections." The Committee on Public Lands, to which his memorial had been referred, while not endorsing Mills' views entirely, in making its report55 rated them as worthy of respect and recom­mended their publication as a contribution to desirable knowledge upon the subject. The committee deplored the fact that up to that time no information had been obtained of a character or in amount sufficient to determine such a route and justify Con­gress in taking definite action for its location and construction. A Southern Atlantic and Pacific Road.—A southern route to the Pacific, though long urged in the South, had received no consideration in Congress until 1852. In that year, the House Committee on Public Lands proposed, by a bill, to continue the southern chain of railroads west from Vicksburg to Shreveport on the Red River and thence to the Texas line. A survey of this route, from the Mississippi across Louisiana to the great bend of the Red River, had been made in 1850 by W. H. Sidell under the direction of the federal government,56 and the route had been found to be feasible. In pursuance of an order of the War Department, an accurate survey of the country from Preston on the Red River, through to El Paso del Norte, had been made by Captain Marcy,57 and its advantage as a rail­road route pointed out by him.58 Moreover, the legislature of Texas had granted a right of way and a strip of land eight miles
	ss S. Beports, 32 Cong., 1 sess., II (631), no. 344. =6 His report was made to the Secretary of War, Nov. 30, 1830. S. Ex. Boos., 31 Cong., 2 sess., V (591), doc. 42. 5' An account of this expedition is given in 8. Ex. Docs., 31 Cong., 1 sess., XIV (562), doc. 64. ss Ibid., 227.

	Plans for Transcontinental Roads                    27 in width for the entire length of the state for a railroad. From El Paso del Norte Major Emory had made an examination west to San Diego,50 and had found that it presented no obstacles. He said that '' San Diego should be made the terminus of a railroad leading by the route of the Gila to the Del Norte, and thence to the Mississippi and Atlantic." In addition, the explorations of Major Cook and those of Bartlett and the Boundary Commis­sion demonstrated the directness and practicability of a railroad from El Paso to San Diego. With these facts to work upon, a southern Atlantic and Pacific railroad was proposed by Mr. Freeman, chairman of the Committee on Public Lands. He urged that Congress donate to California and New Mexico a strip of land, thirty miles in width on each side of the road, so that the governments of these territories could control the construction of the railroad.60 He would, in that way, avoid the objection of establishing a system of internal improvements within a state by the central govern­ment. The immeasurable benefits to be derived he sums up in one sentence: "As a national work, it will cement the mutual affections of our people, and bind together the union of our States by all the inducements that can excite a common interest, and that can elevate national pride, and perpetuate national fame.' '61 Thus, by 1852 there had been six distinct routes especially urged upon Congress: (1) that projected by Asa Whitney from Lake Michigan through South Pass, to the mouth of the Columbia
	59 S. Ex. Docs., 30 Cong., 1 sess., Ill (505), doc. 7, p. 113. 60 The federal government possessed no lands in Texas. All lands had belonged to her as an independent republic and she had retained them on entering the Union. si Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 2, 1274. Later Freeman called upon the South to stand together and bring to themselves "the great commercial axis of the world, and thereby render themselves, and their posterity forever, independent of all combinations against their peculiar institutions—their social happiness, their individual wealth, and their political power as independent states" (ibid., XXV, Appendix, p. 933).

	28                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads River, with a branch to San Francisco; (2) Senator Benton's route from St. Louis to San Francisco through some pass to be discovered in the mountains south of South Pass and near the sources of the Arkansas River; (3) the route of the St. Louis Convention of 1849, very similar to Benton's, but traversing South Pass; (4) the route indicated and especially recommended for survey by the Memphis Convention, from San Diego by way of the Gila Valley and Bl Paso del Norte, crossing northern Texas to Memphis; (5) Mills' route from Van Buren to Bl Paso del Norte and San Diego, with eastern branches to Memphis, St. Louis and Vicksburg, and western branches to Monterey and San Francisco; and (6) the Atlantic and Pacific railroad route from Vicksburg direct to El Paso del Norte and San Diego.62 As there had been many routes proposed, the means of con­struction advocated were likewise varied: (1) the road might be privately constructed from a grant of the public lands as Whitney proposed; (2) it might be built by the loan of the government credit to a company incorporated for the object;63 (3) it might be accomplished by setting apart a specific portion of the national revenue from the sale of public lands, leaving the work still in the hands of the government, as was proposed by the Memphis Convention; and (4) the road might be built by the individual states, aided by grants of land from the government, as was proposed in the South Atlantic and Pacific railroad bill.
	62 A route very similar to this had long been advocated by General Houston of Texas. See above, p. 12. 63  This was the plan of P. P. F. DeGrand of Boston, who proposed that a company be chartered by Congress with a capital of $100,000,000, and that this company, after having paid in $2,000,000, should have the right to borrow United States 6 per cent stock to the amount of $98,000,000.

	CHAPTER III PRELIMINARIES TO THE EXPLORATIONS OF 1853-1855 Senator Gwin and the Pacific Railroad.—In the history of the Pacific railroad enterprise the short session of the Thirty-second Congress is memorable. In the Senate almost the entire session was monopolized by a discussion of the railroad project and related subjects. By this time the importance and necessity of the project had risen to such magnitude as to preclude refer­ence to committees, as had previously been the case; it was freely and bitterly discussed by the entire Senate in Committee of the Whole; plans were presented, amended, and defeated; and but one necessary step was taken—the ordering of surveys to deter­mine the most practicable route. The men who dominated this session, and who placed the necessity of a Pacific railroad above sectional feelings and party creeds, were Senators Gwin, of California, Rusk, of Texas, Bor­land, of Arkansas, and Bell, of Tennessee. Gwin, realizing per­haps better than any other member the imperative need of rapid communication with the extreme western regions, had long striven to bring about official action. In December, 1850, while present­ing a memorial of the California Legislature, he had urged haste, advising, however, that surveys be made first in order not to com­mit the government to any impracticable scheme.1 He was an advocate of a national road, and in August, 1852, when a bill granting land to the several states for the benefit of indigent persons was up for discussion, he proposed an amendment, pro­viding for the construction of two railroads, one from the region below Memphis, and the other from the neighborhood of St. Louis, i Cong. Globe, 31 Cong., 2 sess. (1850-51), XXIII, 132.

	30                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads with a branch to Oregon. His reasons for attaching the amend­ment to such a bill were: (1) that both were so intimately con­nected with the grant of public lands; and (2) that a railroad was an immediate necessity for "upon the completion of one or more railroads connecting our Atlantic and Pacific possessions, depends the existence of this Union. The present connection between the Atlantic States and our Pacific coast is too pre­carious . . . Do you expect we can remain one nation when our social and commercial intercourse is held by so precarious a tenure ? . . . this measure ... is required to make us feel on the Pacific coast that we have all of the advantages of our sister States, and are on a perfect equality with them.' '2 Senator Borland, of Arkansas, likewise, had long realized the commercial and political importance to the frontier states border­ing on the Mississippi of railroad communication with the Pacific. His most active work in this respect had been done in committees, where he constantly urged surveys and explorations as prelimin­aries to the immediate construction of the road.3 Senator Rusk, though younger in point of service, was none the less untiring in his efforts to bring action on the Pacific rail­road project. He assumed the leadership during the greater part of the session of 1852-53, and perfected a feasible plan for the construction of a road; but he was opposed and defeated by the creeds of his own party which he, himself, had laid aside. He fought to retain his bill when other matters more vital to his state, e.g., the Texas Debt question, were threatening to super­sede it. Although the ordering of surveys was but a small part of what Gwin and Rusk wished to see accomplished in this session, it was due almost entirely to their perseverance that this first positive official act towards the building of the road was taken.
	2 Ibid., 32 Cong., 1 sess. (1851-52), XXIV, pt. 3, p. 2467. s Cong. Globe, 30 Cong., 1 sess. (1847-48), XVIII, 873; ibid., 30 Cong., 2 sess. (1848-49), XX, 381; ibid., 31 Cong., 1 sess. (1849-50), XXI, pt. 1, p. 371.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      31 Hardly had the short session convened when Senator Gwin introduced a bill which authorized "the construction of a rail­road and branches; for establishing a certain postal communica­tion between the shores of the Pacific and Atlantic, within the United States; for the protection and facilities of travel and commerce, and for the necessary defenses of the country."4 In recognition of the vast importance of the subject, the bill was made the special order for a certain day, to be considered by the Senate in Committee of the Whole. The plan proposed by Gwin required that the main trunk of a great Pacific railroad system should commence at San Fran­cisco, and, following the southern arm of the bay through Santa Clara and San Jose, turn northeast, through Stockton, to a point south of the source of the Stanislaus River; thence along the foothills of the Sierra Nevada, through Walker's Pass, to Zuiii along the thirty-fifth parallel. The Sierra Madre could be crossed by well-known passes (North or South Zufii), to Albuquerque, whence, following the Del Norte, a point thirty-five miles south of Santa Fe could be reached. Thence, turning southeast-wardly to the sources of the Red, the north bank of that river could be followed to Fulton in Arkansas. A branch to St. Louis would begin south of Santa Fe, and, turning northeastwardly, reach and follow the well worn trail from Santa Fe to Independ­ence and St. Louis. Gwin advocated that from this branch road a second branch be constructed from the crossing of the Arkansas River to Council Bluffs and Dubuque. From Fulton a branch would run northeastwardly through Little Rock to Memphis, and another branch southeastwardly to New Orleans. A Texas branch would begin near the sources of the Red, and follow southeast­wardly along the bank of the Colorado to Matagorda or Austin. A branch to Oregon would begin south of the source of the Stanislaus River in California and follow north along the
	i ma., 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 125.

	32                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads foothills east of the Sacramento River to its source; thence along the foothills on the west side of the Cascade Range, crossing the Columbia River near Oregon City to Fort Nisqually on Puget Sound.5 The total estimated length of the main trunk and branches, as proposed by Senator Gwin, was 5,115 miles. He asserted that every mile of it had been explored by army officers and engineers and had been reported practicable. Letters were presented by him from R. H. Kern, who had accompanied Fremont on his last expedition, and had later been with Captain Sitgreaves; from Captain Sitgreaves, himself; from Major Backus, Major Cun­ningham, and Lieutenant Parke of the army; from Mr. Messervy, a delegate to Congress from New Mexico, and from Mr. Jones, a government contractor of that territory with, extensive experi­ence; and from Captain Ord, who had been dispatched by General Riley from Monterey in 1849 to report upon the prac­ticability of that very route for a railroad. The substance of these communications was to show that the thirty-fifth parallel route was entirely practicable, and that sufficient information already existed to enable Congress to locate the road on that line.6 Gwin advocated that construction be effected by a grant of the public lands by Congress to the states of Louisiana, Missouri, Arkansas, Iowa, and California, and that 152,000 square miles be set aside for this purpose in the territories. Texas had a standing grant of a strip of land seven miles in width, within her bound­aries, for the first Pacific railroad project.7 Gwin believed that by defraying the cost of construction in this way all interference with state sovereignty would be avoided since it was to the inter­est of the state to cooperate; and the constitutional power of the ; s For more complete details of the route proposed by Gwin see Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 280. a Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 320-321, 422-423. 7 See above, p. 23.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      33 central government over the territory was generally recognized even by the most ardent advocates of states rights. The importance, indeed the imperative necessity, of at once connecting the Far "West with the Atlantic states was, each day, urged with more and more vehemence. A few characteristic statements will show the significance attached to the subject. Senator Borland deemed it of "much more importance than any or all measures now before the Congress of the United States,"8 and did not "consider any other of one tithe the importance of this."9 Stephen A. Douglas did not "think that there is any question that can come before us more worthy to occupy attention than that of a railroad to the Pacific."10 And Senator Gwin appealed to each member "to lay his sectarian principles aside and come up to this great work as an American, with singleness of purpose, scorning all sectionality, and looking at the common good of our common country, with a fixed deter­mination that it shall be completed, and that, too, as rapidly as unrestricted means and human energies can accomplish it.''" But that which Gwin asked was the one thing that could never be eliminated from any discussion upon such a project. Many members did rise above all sectional prejudices; Chase,12 Seward, Cass,13 Dodge, of Iowa,14 and a few others, considered the pro­ject in its purely national aspect. But to the majority in the s Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 352. 9 Ibid., 356. if Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sesa. (1852-53), XXVI, 507. w Ibid., 284. 12'' The shortest route, the cheapest route, and the route which will accommodate the greatest number of people . . , shall have my support, my earnest and persevering support" (ibid., 339), and again, "By no ingenuity—by no process of torture even, can it be converted into a section question" (ibid., 662). 13 " I do not care where you touch the Mississippi, because, when you get there, wherever you are, you will be in the center of the country" (ibid., 285). 14 "You may exclude my state entirely, and I will vote for the bill . . . I shall vote for the best line" (ibid., 317).

	34                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Senate the test question on the Gwin bill was whether or not there should be any route or terminus mentioned in it. Those who most strongly opposed the bill for sectional and political reasons, hedged behind the plea that there was not sufficient knowledge of the country available to commit the government to adopting any particular route.15 They insisted that thorough sur­veys should first be made and the results presented to Congress before any route was selected. But when, later in the session, an amendment was before the body to cause surveys to be made, they opposed it as bitterly as they had the Gwin bill. Through­out the session this opposition to the railroad project came from the representatives of the Atlantic states. Senators Butler and De Saussure, of South Carolina, and Mason and Hunter, of Vir­ginia openly asserted that they were hostile to it because the building of a railroad to the Pacific would mean the loss to the Atlantic seaports of the bulk of their commerce with the interior states. Senator Husk's Proposal.—It was evident at length that the mere mention of route and termini was a bar to further progress on Senator Gwin's bill, while the even more important question of means had at that time been scarcely touched upon. While this bill was being debated, a select committee, which had been appointed to consider the whole question of interocean communi­cation, was perfecting a bill which it was thought would meet the approval of the Senate. Senator Rusk, of Texas, was chair­man of the committee, and the one who drafted the bill, and when it seemed certain to him that no action could be secured on the Gwin bill, he asked that his be substituted for the latter on the calendar.16 Profiting from the opposition which had been accorded the preceding measure Rusk drafted a bill the very
	15 See speech of Smith, of Connecticut, in Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 354. is Ibid., 431, 458.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      35 first section of which provided for preliminary surveys, though no definite mention was made of routes or termini. From the results of the surveys the President was authorized to select the most feasible route. Despite this clause the rabid opponents of the project at once began to clamor for a bill authorizing surveys alone. Senator Brodhead, of Pennsylvania, introduced an amendment appro­priating $150,000 for reconnoissances, and this with the avowed intention of defeating the bill and the project for the session.17 But the opposition could make no headway because of the sav­ing clause in the bill, and, as a result, attention was turned to the advocated means of construction as a possible means of defeat. For defraying the cost of construction Rusk proposed that alternate sections of land for six miles on either side of the road through the states and twelve miles on either side through the territories be set aside, and that an appropriation be made of $20,000,000 in bonds of the government, payable in fifty years and bearing five per cent interest.18 The out-and-out opponents of the railroad project now asserted that Rusk's was a very in­geniously contrived bill, showing matured reflection for the pur­pose of introducing a general system of internal improvements, and thus violating fundamental democratic principles. In the giving of power to the President to select the route they saw another violation of those sacred principles;19 they asserted that it was unconstitutional since it would give the legislative power to the President at the expense of the legislative body. Rusk, however, pointed out that Congress, by reason of the conflicting . interests represented, would never be able to decide where and
	wCong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 675. is For further details of the bill see ibid., 469-470. is Speech of Senator Mason, in Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 678; speech of Senator Hunter, ibid., 702.

	36                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads when the railroad should commence. This must be left to the President as an administrative function.20 Another objectionable feature of the bill, and the one upon which it was destined to fall, was that a corporation was created within a state for the purpose of construction, and thus the sovereignity of the state would be interfered with. This section of the bill caused the deflection of many earnest supporters of the project—Weller, of California,21 Phelps, of Vermont,22 Cass, of Michigan.23 Many others, though strongly in favor of the construction of a railroad, would not have it at the sacrifice of this cherished party principle, and, in seeking to amend the bill to accord with their principles, they unconsciously assisted in defeating it entirely. This dissension in the ranks of the majority, the time-honored method of division by which the minority can command, was all that was needed by those representatives of the Atlantic states to accomplish their purposes. Senator Under­wood, of Kentucky, in a virulent speech, recognized and deplored this hostility: '' One of the salt-water constructions of the Con­stitution is, that the interior States of the Union . . . are to be entirely dependent upon the sea-board States for a channel of commercial communication through their borders . . . They may refuse to grant facilities in constructing direct lines of rail­road or canal between important commercial points in order to force the citizens of other States to travel circuitous routes to promote local interests and the sectional schemes of particular States."24 Despite the desperate efforts of Senators Rusk, Gwin, and Borland to retain the bill, it was tabled on February 22, 20 IUd., 679, 709. 21  IUd., 680. 22 Ibid., 706. 23  Ibid., 711. Cass was the recognized leader of democratic principles and his deflection meant the loss to the project of his large following in the party. 2iCong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 699.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      37 twenty-three days having been devoted to it almost continuously,25 with, the understanding that it would not be brought up again during the session. The Surveys Ordered.—The session being almost at an end, the friends of the Pacific railroad made one last effort to com­mit the government to action. The need of preliminary sur­veys had been so often urged during the session that it was thought an appropriation to pay expenses would secure the unanimous approval of the Senate. For this purpose, therefore, Gwin suggested that an amendment be made to the army appro­priation bill for 1853-54, in the way of additional sections,26 and Chase, at the direction of the Committee on Roads and Canals, moved the amendment, in order to make the procedure regular. Even this harmless measure aroused the opposition of the members from Virginia and South Carolina; they asserted that the ordering of surveys would necessarily commit the gov­ernment to the construction of the road and thereby violate their sacred party principles.27 The amendment, nevertheless, was carried by a vote of thirty-one to sixteen and was sent to the House. There it secured similar opposition from the "sea-board" representatives, led by Bayley, of Virginia, who asked: "What authority have we to make this road? ... If we have no au­thority to make the road, what right have we to make a survey preliminary to its construction?"28 After minor changes, the House concurred in the amendment, the Senate accepted the changes, and the amendment, as a part of the army appropriation bill, took the form of law: Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of War be and he is hereby authorized, under the direction of the President of the United
	25 The great amount of attention given to the Pacific railroad project, to the exclusion of other important matters, caused Butler on one occasion to exclaim: '' Gentlemen must understand that no one measure is to mon­opolize the whole attention of the Senate" (ibid., 660). ™Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 760; 798-799. 2T Ibid., 818. ^ Cong. Globe, 32 Cong., 2 sess. (1852-53), XXVI, 999.

	38                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads States, to employ such portion of the corps of topographical engineers, and such other persons as he may deem necessary, to make such explorations and surveys as he may deem advisable, to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, and that the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be necessary, be and the same is hereby appro­priated out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, to defray the expense of such explorations and surveys. Sec. 11. And be it further enacted, That the engineers and other persons employed in said explorations and surveys, shall be organized in as many distinct corps as there are routes to be surveyed, and their several reports shall be laid before Congress on or before the first Monday in February, eighteen hundred and fifty-four.29 Thus, after eight years of consideration of the project of a railroad to the Pacific, Congress had at length taken a definite step towards its accomplishment. A similar act had been passed in 1849, by which an appropriation of $50,000 was made for the same objects. But as the appropriation had been allowed to pass into the general fund, no results were secured. During that same year, President Taylor, in his annual message to Congress, had urged a careful survey of all the proposed routes as a preliminary measure,29" and Secretary of the Interior Ewing had made a similar recommendation.30 The necessity of pre liminary surveys had been urged in every plan presented to Congress with the exception of that of Gwin.31 The advocates of the railroad project contented themselves with general prin­ciples, leaving the exact location of the route to be determinec by competent engineers. For the broad region lying to the wesi of the frontier states along the Mississippi had been traversec in a few directions only, and these without instrumental surveys of a character to indicate the position or direction of the most
	29 Public Laws passed... at the Second Session of the Thirty-seconc Congress, 219. 29«H. Docs., 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill, pt. 1 (569), no. 5, p. 12. so H. Docs., 31 Cong., 1 sess., Ill, pt. 1 (569), no. 5, pp. 13-14. si See above, pp. 29-34.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      39 practicable railroad routes.32 The accounts of travelers, emi­grants, traders, and even army engineers varied greatly. So that, as late as 1853, while there was in existence good general knowl­edge of nearly all the "West, there was a dearth of accurate information on the nature, character, and aspect of most of the trans-Mississippi country, and especially in reference to the facili­ties presented by it for railroad communication. Prior to 1853, there had been no official exploration with that purpose in view.33 The Expeditions of 1853-1855.—Secretary of War Jefferson Davis, in organizing the surveys of 1853 '' to ascertain the most practicable and economical route for a railroad from the Missis­sippi river to the Pacific ocean,'' was guided, for the most part, by the plans which had previously been proposed. Each plan had matured only after long consideration of routes by its advo­cate, and a thorough examination of the existing knowledge upon 32 Knowledge of the mountain passes, an essential element in the loca­tion of routes, was extremely vague. There were commonly believed to be only six available passes through the Rocky Mountains: South, Stansbury 's Coochatopa, North Zufii, South Zufii, and Gooke's. Through the Sierra Nevada there were two supposedly practicable passes, "Walker's and War­ner's, the former 4,000 feet in height, and the latter 3,000 feet. Very little was known regarding the approaches of any pass. "Walker's Pass, for instance, was said to present gentle declivities on either side and was much in favor among the advocates of a railroad. But upon minute examination by Lieutenant Williamson, in 1853, it was found to be entirely impracticable. 33 Thwaites (Rocky Mountain Exploration, 239) asserts that Fremont's third expedition (1845-47) was for the purpose of finding the shortest and best route for a railroad to San Francisco Bay. If so, it was under the private instructions of Senator Benton; but the official objects of the expedition were not those attributed by Thwaites. His fourth expedition made in the winter of 1848 and 1849 and ending in disaster in the San Juan Mountains of Colorado was primarily for the purpose of exploring a route for a central road. He received, however, no government sup­port for this expedition. In August, 1853, after the government surveys had been ordered, Fremont, with funds of his own, and Senator Benton's, planned his fifth expedition, to complete the objects of the former. Accord­ing to Mrs. Fremont, it had been intended that her husband should lead one of the government surveys of 1853, but as Congress had inserted no name in the bill, the Secretary of War had appointed Gunnison to explore the central route (Fremont, Memoirs, XV). The results of this Fremont expedition were published in part in 1854 by the government as a contri­bution to existing knowledge on the subject of railroad construction. H. Misc. Docs., 33 Cong., 2 sess., I (807), no. 8.

	40                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads each. In this way, the entire bulk of available information had been brought to bear upon four general transcontinental lines: (1) the northern or Whitney route, between the forty-seventh and forty-ninth parallels; (2) the central route proposed by Senator Benton, between the thirty-eighth and thirty-ninth parallels—Fremont's favorite route; (3) the thirty-fifth parallel route, proposed by Senator Gwin, and (4) the thirty-second parallel, or Gila route, suggested in many proposals, and due to receive the most favorable attention of the "War Department. The first party organized under the act of Congress was the one to explore the northern line, the line that had claimed the earliest attention, both from the explorations of Lewis and Clark and the continued advocacy of it by Asa Whitney. This party was placed in charge of Governor Stevens, of Washington Terri­tory, who was directed to operate from St. Paul, or some suitable point on the upper Mississippi, towards the great bend of the Missouri River, and thence on the table-land between the tribu­taries of the Missouri and those of the Saskatchewan, to some pass in the Rocky Mountains. A second party, commanded by Captain McClellan, was, according to the directions of Governor Stevens, to proceed to Puget Sound, and then to explore the passes of the Cascade Range, meeting the eastern party between that range and the Rocky Mountains.34 The survey of the next route to the south was entrusted to Captain Gunnison, of the topographical engineers. He was in­structed to explore the route near the thirty-eighth parallel, by way of the Huerfano River and Coochetopa, or some other suit­able pass, into the mountainous region of the Grand and Green rivers, then westwardly to the vegas of Santa Clara and Nicollet's River of the Great Basin, and thence northward to the vicinity of Lake Utah. Since it was believed that no railway pass could
	si For full instructions see S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, pp. 55-57.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      41 be found north of the Kern River into either the Sacramento or San Joaquin valleys, it was not thought proper to expend any of the appropriation in a further search; and, it having been learned that the Mormons of Great Salt Lake were making a survey for a railroad from their settlements to Walker's Pass, Gunnison was directed to procure a report of that survey, thus connecting his line with the survey ordered made near the thirty-fifth parallel.35 Postponing for future operations the explora­tion of a route from the Salt Lake across the Sierra Nevada to the valley of the Sacramento, Gunnison was directed to return from the Great Basin through the Timpanago canon or other passes and across the Weber and Bear rivers, by the Coal Basin, to a suitable place of disbandment.36 Explorations near the thirty-fifth parallel were placed in charge of Lieutenant Whipple. He was directed to ascend the valley of the Canadian River, pass around the mountains east of the Rio del Norte, and enter the valley of that river at some point near Albuquerque. From there he was to extend his ex­plorations through the Sierra Madre and the mountains west of the Zurii and Moqui regions to the Colorado of the West, thence, proceeding in the direction of Walker's Pass, to continue his survey by the most direct and practicable line to the Pacific Ocean.37 For the thirty-second parallel route no attempt was to be made at a comprehensive survey under a single leader. Detailed information upon a large portion of the route had been supplied by the explorations of Lieutenant-Colonel Emory in 1846^7 and by those of the Boundary Survey Commission. This route passed from Preston on the Red River around the extremity of the Guadalupe Mountains of Texas, and crossed the Rio Grande
	35 S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, pp. 20; 57-56. 36 For full instructions see Hid., 57-58. 37 S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, pp. 58-60.

	42                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads near Dona Ana. From there it followed the table-lands west to the San Pedro River and along the Gila to its mouth. A portion of this route was in Mexican territory,38 but the Mexican gov­ernment granted authority to the United States to make all necessary examinations. Captain J. G. Pope was instructed to run the line from Dona Ana on the Rio Grande to Preston on the Red River.39 At the same time Lieutenant J. G. Parke was to carry the line from the Pima villages on the Gila to the Rio Grande.40 "West of the Pima villages to the Colorado no more complete information was desired than that furnished by the Emory expedition of 1846-47. Several partial routes on the Pacific slope, to connect with those from the east, were directed to be explored by Lieutenant Williamson. His instructions read: '' The party will rendezvous at Benecia, California . . . and will proceed to examine the passes of the Sierra Nevada leading from the San Joaquin and Tulare valleys, and subsequently explore the country southeast of the Tulare lakes, to ascertain the most direct practicable rail­road route between "Walker's pass, or such other pass as may be found preferable, and the mouth of the Gila." Thence the sur­vey would be continued to San Diego.41 To complete the con­nection from the west, "Williamson was ordered, in 1855, to run the line up the Sacramento Valley and join at the Columbia with the northern surveys completed by Governor Stevens. In the same year Lieutenant Parke surveyed a coast route from San Jose to Los Angeles, and thence continued the line as far as the Gila.
	38 The Gadsden Purchase, giving to the United States the territory south of the Gila, and fixing the present boundary, was not completed until December 30, 1853. ss £. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, pp. 64-65. *o s. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, pp. 61-62. 60-61.

	Preliminaries to Explorations                      43 It was feared by engineers thoroughly acquainted with the western country that the small amount of time and money allotted in the original appropriation would preclude any adequate examination of the country and especially of the moun­tain passes.42 But additional appropriations were made and the time extended on all the surveys, so that more than mere re-connoisances were effected. The results of these expeditions, published in thirteen large quarto volumes, with numerous illus­trations and maps, contain a vast mine of new information of great value for the study of the history, ethnology, zoology, palaeontology, botany, and geology of the West.
	« Cf. opinion of Lieutenant-Colonel S. H. Long, H. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sesa., I, pt. 3 (712), no. 1, doc. C.

	CHAPTER IV STEVENS'S EXPLORATIONS BETWEEN THE FORTY-SEVENTH AND FORTY-NINTH PARALLELS1 Organization of the Expedition.—Under the orders of Jeffer­son Davis, secretary of war, five well organized exploring parties took the field in the spring of 1853. The first and most elab­orately equipped party to set out was that led by Isaac I. Stevens, recently appointed first governor of Washington Territory, to conduct a line of survey to the Pacific between the parallels of forty-seven and forty-nine degrees, north latitude. Stevens was by experience, as well as by nature, well equipped for the im­portant tasks before him. A graduate of West Point, he had later been in charge of fortifications on the New England coast; during the Mexican War he had served in numerous campaigns under General Scott; and, at the conclusion of the war, he entered the Coast Survey as assistant to Professor Bache. There
	i The narrative of Stevens's explorations and the accompanying docu­ments are contained in S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 2 sess., XIII, pt. 1 (758), no. 78, supplemented by S. Ex. Docs., 35 Cong., 2 sess., XVIII (992), no. 46. These two large volumes of reports include elaborate illustrations and appendices on botany, and zoology, in addition to the geographic details required for railroad construction. The quarto set of explorations and surveys for the Pacific Railroads comprise parts 1-11 of S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 2 sess., XIII (758-768), no. 78, and ibid., 35 Cong., 2 sess., XVIII (992), no. 46. B. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 2 sess., XI, pts. 1-11 (791-801), no. 91, and ibid., 36 Cong., 1 sess., XI, pts. 1-2 (1054—1055), no. 56, contain the same material as is found in the Senate Documents. This set is commonly referred to as "Pacific Bailroad Beports, vols. 1—12,'' which designation I shall use throughout for convenience in citation. Page references herein, are to the Senate Documents. Preliminary reports, instructions to officers, etc., are also to be found in E. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., XVIII, pt. 1 (736), no. 129, and in S. Ex. Docs., 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1.

	Stevens's Explorations                           45 he gained further training which was to make his name promi­nent in the survey of the Northern Pacific Railway, the historic road of the continent. The general project of this survey, according to instructions issued on April 8, 1853,2 was to operate from St. Paul or some suitable point on the upper Mississippi River, towards the great bend of the Missouri, and thence, on the table-land between the tributaries of the Missouri and those of the Saskatchewan, to some pass in the Rocky Mountains. A depot was to be estab­lished at Fort Union, at the mouth of the Yellowstone River, by an advance party going by boat with most of the supplies from St. Louis. This division was to await at Fort Union the coming of the main party overland, and in the meantime was to examine the country adjoining the fort.3 While the main party should be working west from St. Paul, a second large expedition was to proceed by boat to Puget Sound and explore east through the Cascade Mountains. A junction with the eastern party was to be effected wherever Governor Stevens might direct. The detailed instructions required that Stevens "examine carefully the passes of the several mountain ranges, the geography and meteorology of the whole intermediate region, the character, as avenues of trade and transportation, of the Missouri and Columbia rivers, the rains and snows of the route, especially in the mountain passes, and, in short, to collect every species of information bearing upon the question of railroad practicability. It was necessary, moreover, to give great atten­tion to the Indian tribes, as their friendship was important and bore directly upon the question both of the Pacific railroad and the safety of my party."4
	*8. Ex. Docs, 33 Cong., 1 sess., II (691), no. 1, p. 55. 3 Pacific Railroad Sports, XII, pt. 1, pp. 22-23. 4 Pacific Railroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, p. 21.

	46                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Captain George B. McClellan was selected as the chief assist­ant of Governor Stevens for this survey, and was recalled from duty in Texas for the purpose of leading the western portion of the expedition. Other assistants detailed on the survey were Captain J. "W. T. Gardiner; Lieutenant A. J. Donelson, with ten sappers and miners j Lieutenant Beckman du Barry; Lieutenant John Mullan; Lieutenant Cuvier Grover; I. F. Osgood, disburs­ing agent; J. W. Stanley, artist; George Buckley, surgeon and naturalist; F. "W. Lander and J. W. Tinkham, assistant engi­neers ; John Lambert, topographer; George W. Stevens, Wm. M. Graham, and A. Remenyi, in charge of astronomical observations; J. W. Moffett, meteorologist; John Evans, geologist; Thomas Adams, Max Strobel, Elwood Evans, and A. Jekelfaluzy, aids; and T. S. Everett, quartermaster and commissary clerk.5 The parties were to receive their equipment, ammunition, subsistence, etc., from the various divisions of the "War Department which had them in charge; and for the entire operation of the northern survey, the sum of $40,000 was set aside to be utilized by Stevens. Because the route was comparatively new and unexplored, the expedition was organized into two main divisions, the eastern in charge of Governor Stevens, and the western under the immediate direction of Captain McClellan. To assist McClellan, Lieutenant Duncan and Dr. J. G. Cooper, surgeon and naturalist, were detailed. Since McClellan was necessarily detained in Texas, Duncan, on May 5, set out for the mouth of the Columbia to make preparations for the survey. McClellan, however, was able to depart on the twentieth, and, before reaching the Columbia, had
	5 See Pacific Sailroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, pp. 22-24, for the entire composition of the party as first organized. Many members of Stevens's party later became famous as army officers or scientific men. Captain McClellan, who commanded the western division, became, during the Civil War, the commander-in-chief of the Army of the Potomac, and later the Democratic candidate for President. Lieutenant Saxton became a brigadier-general as did Lander, the chief engineer. Lieutenant Grover was afterward a major-general of volunteers and a colonel in the regular army.

	Stevens's Explorations                           47 secured as additional assistants, J. Winter, Lieutenant Mowry, Mr. George Gibbs, ethnologist, geologist, and interpreter, and Lieutenant Hodges, who was made acting quartermaster and commissary. Lieutenant Saxton, the quartermaster and commis­sary of the western division, had been sent in advance to the valley of the Columbia with instructions to organize and trans­port a depot into the Bitter Root Valley; and thence, continuing east, he was to reeonnoiter the country until he might unite with the eastern party in the neighborhood of Fort Benton.6 The northern division, then, as first organized, consisted of four separate parties. The one under the personal supervision of Governor Stevens was to operate from St. Paul on the Missis­sippi westward towards the mouth of White Earth River; thence on the prairies lying along the Missouri River to the Rocky Mountains and through the passes of that region. A second, under Captain McClellan, was to set out from Fort Vancouver on the Columbia and operate northeastward through the passes of the Cascade Range, and thence eastward to join Governor Stevens's party. Another party, under Lieutenant A. J. Donel-son, was to examine the Missouri River from its mouth to Fort Union at the mouth of the Yellowstone, where it was to unite with that of Stevens. And a fourth party under Lieutenant Saxton was to conduct the reconnaissance from Fort Walla Walla to the Bitter Root Valley, where a supply depot was to be established. From St. Paul to Fort Union, at the Mouth of the Yellow­stone.—The Stevens party, the most elaborately equipped of all the expeditions to survey for a Pacific railway, was organized in New York. Having sent the two engineers, Lander and Tink-ham, in advance to St. Paul to examine the river crossings in that vicinity, Stevens, himself, set out by way of St. Louis.
	6 Report of Lieutenant E. Saxton, February, 1854, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 251.

	48                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads There he procured several guides, among whom was Alexander Culbertson, an employee of the American Pur Company and agent to the Blackfeet Indians; a quantity of provisions; and a number of horses and mules. On May 27 he arrived at St. Paul.7 His advance party under Captain Gardiner had located on Lake Amelia, about nine miles from the city of St. Paul and three miles northwest of Fort Snelling. The camp established there was named Camp Pierce in honor of the President. Some little time was spent there in breaking the mules, often with unfor­tunate results to members of the party. Receiving at Camp Pierce a report from Mr. Lander, who had previously examined both sides of the river from St. Paul as far north as Little Palls,8 Stevens decided to cross the Mis­sissippi at Sauk Rapids. He determined also to start off advance parties and small trains at once in order to procure timely information concerning the features of the country and any difficulties that would impede progress. Lander and Tinkham were accordingly sent out on May 31 to prepare a crossing at Sauk Rapids and to proceed thence in advance to determine a practicable route for the main train.9 On June 6 the entire party moved from Camp Pierce in three divisions, one section going by boat to Sauk Rapids to take meteorological observations. The point of departure from the Mississippi River was at Cold Springs, on the east side. Grover, however, in charge of the water party, had encamped about five miles below Sauk Rapids.
	7 St. Paul he describes as "beautifully located upon a high bluff on the east bank of the river, and is rapidly growing in size and importance. It is quite a business place, everything indicating vigor and activity. Among its prominent buildings are the territorial capitol, modelled after the Capitol at Washington, and several very fine churches" (Pacific Bailroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, p. 25). s Eeport of F. W. Lander, May 22, 1853, ibid., I, 224-225. 9 Stevens to Lander; Stevens to Tinkham, May 21, 1853, in Pacific Sail road Reports, I, 16—18.

	Stevens's Explorations                           49 On June 10 the entire party crossed at Sauk Rapids, estab­lishing and naming Camp Davis on the west side. Stevens at once initiated his policy of sending out reconnoitering parties in order to examine as great an area of country as possible. The first of these to depart was led by Lieutenant Grover under instructions to reconnoiter near White Bear Lake and determine at what point the main party should leave the Red River trail. He was then to go north to Lake Traverse to Dead Colt Hillock, and thence on to the Yellowstone.10 On June 14 the whole train moved forward from Camp Davis, on the Red River trail, which followed the general direc­tion of Sauk River, and thence to Pike Lake. Several lakes and streams along the route were named after members of the party. Pike Lake was considered the real starting point of the expedi­tion and the camp there was named Camp Marcy in honor of the Secretary of State. At this point Grover rejoined the party from his first reconnaissance, and was at once sent out, on June 25, with twenty-one men to examine Lake Traverse lying to the west. Having accomplished this, his instructions ordered him to proceed on the Dead Colt Hillock line to the mouth of the Yellowstone.11 The main party, advancing from Camp Marcy in order to examine the railroad line to Fort Union, crossed the Chippewa River12 on the Red River trail. The route then lay north of west toward the Bois de Sioux River13 and passed by Elbow and Poplar lakes. After crossing Wild Rice River, a tributary of the Red, west of the Bois de Sioux, the route lay over a good level country to the Shayenne River, also a tributary of the Red. Having
	10 Ibid., XII, pt. 1, pp. 30-31. 11 Stevens to Grover, June 25, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Meports, I, 222-223. 12 This is the present Medicine Fork of the Minnesota Eiver. is This is the present Sioux Wood Eiver, flowing into Lake Traverse and marking a portion of the boundary between Dakota and Minnesota.

	50                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads established Camp McClellan on the west bank of this river, reconnaissances were made up the river to Dead Colt Hillock. One small party, led by Lander, was instructed to examine the country west and south of its great bend, and to cover, in this way, the entire territory between the route of Stevens and that of Grover to the south. The main party continued northwest, crossing Maple and Rush rivers, also tributaries of the Red, and on July 7 once more struck the Shayenne. Stevens followed it down for several miles, at length effecting a crossing at a point called by him Camp Guthrie. The party was now approaching the buffalo country and signs of these animals became more apparent after crossing the Shayenne. On the tenth camp was made on Lake Jessie—this being the last point at which the Stevens survey would connect with that of Nicollet, who had traversed the region between Lake Jessie and the Mississippi some sixteen years before.14 On July 12 Lander rejoined the party at Beaver Lodge Creek. Meanwhile his survey was being connected up to Bald Hillock Creek by a reconnoitering party under Tinkham. Lan­der, after leaving the main party at Camp McClellan at the first Shayenne crossing on July 4, had followed the right bank of the Shayenne River, deflecting far south of the great bend, however, to Dead Colt Hillock, almost to Grover's trail. Then turning north, he had followed closely the west bank of the river to Bald Hillock Creek.15 While delaying near Lake Jessie, short reconnaissances were made in the vicinity. On one such reconnaissance was discovered what was thought to be a Sioux village of about one thousand
	" Pacific Bailroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, pp. 46-47. Nicollet's surveys between the years 1836—40 were the first to use the barometer in order to determine latitude, and thus a great stride was taken in scientific examin­ation. S. Ex. Docs., 27 Cong., 3 sesa., IV (416), no. 243. is Report of F. W. Lander, February 15, 1854, ibid., I, 86-87.

	Stevens's Explorations                           51 lodges. But, after a period of unnecessary alarm, this was found to be a camp of Red River hunters. The homes of these people were at Pembina, on the Red, near the Canadian border, where they devoted themselves to agriculture. Twice each year, how­ever, headed by their governor, they moved south to hunt the buffalo, each hunt lasting for a period of two months.16 As Stevens continued along the trail of the Red River hunters, he sent out reconnaissances north of the main Shayenne and south, pursuing a line parallel to the route of the main party. The main party continued, passing the Butte de Morale, and, reaching White Wood Lake, was rejoined by the reconnoiter-ing parties under Lander and Tinkham. On July 20, Lander was sent on a second reconnaissance to examine the Maison du Chien and the Coteau du Missouri, which lay to the south. In this way Stevens hoped to connect further his survey with the line being run by Grover. On July 21, the main party struck the trail of Grover near Mouse River, and followed along the south bank of the river between it and the Coteau du Missouri. The route now coincided almost exactly with that of Grover, taken a few days previous. Reconnaissances at the same time were being made of the Mouse River and the River of the Lakes, and Lander was sent on a more extended and detailed exam­ination of the White Earth River, the Coteau du Missouri, and is This particular party consisted of 824 carts, about 1200 animals and 1300 persons, man, women and children. On encampment they made a circular or square yard of the carts, placed side by side with the hubs adjoining, presenting a barrier impassable either to man or beast. The meat procured on their trips was exchanged at Fort Snelling through traders of the American Fur Company for goods, sugar, coffee, etc. The hunters also had among them currency issued by the Hudson's Bay Com­pany, trade in robes being carried on with the latter company as well as with the American Fur Company {Pacific Bailroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, pp. 51-52). Stevens describes the Eed Eiver settlements at Pembina as "made up of a population of half-breeds, traders of the Hudson Bay and Fur Companies, discharged employes of these companies, and Indians, representatives of every nation of Europe, Scotch, Irish, English, Canadians, and speaking a jargon made up of these dialects, intermingled with Chippewa and Sioux, patois French being the prevailing tongue." (Ibid., XII, pt. 1, p. 53.)

	52                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads the Yellowstone.17 The main train, after passing through the Assiniboine country for several days, reached Fort Union on August 1, fifty-five days from St. Paul, and a measured distance of seven hundred and fifteen and one-half miles. At Fort Union Stevens found Grover, who had arrived several days before. According to the report of the latter,18 he had left the main party at Pike Lake on June 25 in order to search out a more southerly route to the fort. After crossing the Chippewa River, he travelled over a level prairie almost due west to Lake Traverse. Then, skirting the eastern edge of the lake, he followed down the Bois de Sioux, the outlet of the lake running north into the Red River; and, after twenty-two miles, he crossed it three miles above (i.e., south of) the point where the main party later crossed. His course then lay a little north of west in a straight line, crossing "Wild Rice River. On July 6, after travelling about eighty miles, he reached the Riviere a Jacques, or James River. The James is a tributary of the Mis­souri, but is here separated from it by the Grand Coteau. From there, pursuing a more northerly direction and skirting the Grand Coteau, in one hundred and eighty miles, Grover reached the Mouse River. From that point to Fort Union his course was that followed by Stevens. On reaching Fort Union, Stevens also discovered that Donel-son had already arrived. He had come from St. Louis by boat with a party of eight, and had observed the course of the river, and the country on either side as to capacity for settlement. Forty-two days were occupied on this trip. Having arrived at Fort Union, Donelson had begun at once to explore the neighbor­ing country. He examined to the north of the fort between the
	" No detailed ■written instructions are to be found for a great number of minor reconnaissances; Stevens, however, gives due importance to them in his journal. is See Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 486-488, for Grover's final report of his examinations from Pike Lake to Fort Union.

	Stevens's Explorations                           53 Big Muddy and White Earth rivers, ascending the valley of the former for about forty-two miles, and then crossing to "White Earth River. His course then lay down the latter for thirty miles, and thence west, parallel with the Missouri, to the fort.19 While delaying at Fort Union, the party on August 5 was joined by Lander, who had made a reconnaissance of the River of the Lakes, the Coteau du Missouri, and the upper waters of the Mouse. Fort Union was found by Stevens to be a well built strong­hold, located on the east bank of the Missouri River near the mouth of the Yellowstone. It had been built in 1830 by the American Fur Company, and, since that time, had been the chief supply depot for that company and a trading point for the Assiniboines,20 Gros Ventres, Crows, and other migratory bands of Indians. From Fort Union to Fort Benton.—Having made all neces­sary preparations at Fort Union, the main party, with Alexander Culbertson as guide, set out on August 9 for the Big Muddy Biver. Stevens, however, delayed a day to treat with the Black-feet and arrange for a great council of Indians to be held at Fort Benton in 1854, at which the Blackfeet should make peace with the hunting tribes west of the Rocky Mountains. On reaching the Big Muddy, Stevens determined to pursue the Milk River route, traveled by the American Fur Company's wagons from Fort Union, and in the meantime to develop the
	10 Eeport of Lieutenant A. J. Donelson, March 8, 1854, in Pacific Hail-road Reports, I, 231-247. 20 The Assiniboines were described by Stevens as having '' a look of poverty, judging from the meagreness of clothing and the length of time it appeared to have been worn, while all appeared very filthy and miser­able" (Pacific Sailroad Beports, XII, pt. 1, 59). The Indians feared that the building of the railroad would injure them by driving back the buffalo: "My father [Stevens], we hear that a great road is to be made through our country. We do not know what this is for; we do not understand it; but I think it will drive away the buffalo. We like to see our white brothers; we like to give them the hand of friendship, but we know that as they come our game goes back" (ibid., 60).

	54                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads country by detached reconnaissances.21 Leaving the Big Muddy on August 14, the route lay along the level bottom of the Mis­souri, across Poplar and several other small rivers, to the mouth of the Milk. The first camp on that river was named Camp Atcheson, in honor of the acting vice-president. The side work of this portion of the survey was done by Tinkham, Lander, and Grover. From Camp Atcheson, Stevens issued written orders making Donelson executive officer of the expedition for future operations.22 Since they had now reached the Indian country, the attitude of whose inhabitants was uncertain, the party was split up. Lander and Grover received instructions to push rapidly ahead with two small parties as advance guard. On the twenty-fifth, the main train approached a camp of the Gros Ventres23 con­taining some three hundred lodges and two thousand Indians. "With these Indians Stevens talked regarding the making of peace with the Blackfeet. The camp of the party among the Gros Ventres was given the name of Camp Armstrong. On the twenty-ninth the party was in sight of the Bears Paw Mountains, stretching from the Milk River to the Missouri. Stevens sent a reconnoitering expedition under Lander and Grover to examine them and the surrounding country. Also Tinkham was sent to examine the Three Buttes, farther to the northwest, and the country between the Milk and Marias river with orders to rejoin the main party at Fort Benton. Setting out from camp on the Milk Eiver on September 1,| the main party proceeded up Box Elder Creek. Leaving the headwaters of this creek, the route lay southwest to the Tejon 21 Stevens to Secretary of War Davis, August 8, 1853, in Pacific Bailro Seports, I, 20-21. 22 Ibid., XII, pt. 1, 75. 23  The Gros Ventres appeared to be "a simple-minded race, easily in­fluenced, and very kindly disposed towards the whites. They are filthy in the extreme in the habits.. . . Being improvident, it is always feast or famine, either having abundance or else nothing" (ibid., XII, pt. 1, p. 77).

	Stevens's Explorations                            55 River and thence to Fort Benton, where the party was received on September 5 with a salute of fifteen guns. Fort Benton was located on the eastern bank of the Missouri, near the Great Bend, and about eighteen miles below the Falls. Up to this point the country had been found to be entirely practicable for a railroad. It was three hundred and seventy-seven and one-half miles by trail above Fort Union. The fort, itself, was smaller than the latter fort, and, at that period, contained usually a dozen families.24 The Blackfeet Indians who camped near the fort throughout the winter, were the principal traders there. Activities at Fort Benton.—On September 3 the reconnoiter-ing party composed of Stanley, Lander, and Lieutenant Grover arrived at the fort. After leaving the main party at Milk River they became lost, but succeeded in their examination of the Bears Paw Mountains. On the fifth, Evans also reported, having made a fifteen day journey from Fort Union; his route lay in a direct line across the country between the Missouri and Milk rivers.25 Stevens now began his arrangements for examining in detail the passes of the Rocky Mountains, for there lay the chief problem of his survey. On September 5 Grover was sent out to open up connection with the parties operating from the west.26 His instructions ordered him to cross over into the Bitter Root Valley to determine whether Lieutenant Saxton had established the supply depot there. In case he did not find Saxton, his instructions authorized him to continue to the Kootenay post and open up communication with Captain Mc-Clellan. Lander was also instructed to go forward with a good outfit and examine Marias Pass, to the north, and to meet the main party in the valley of Clark's Fork, west of the divide. 2* Fort Benton was one of a series of posts established by the Western Department of the American Fur Company. It was originally called Fort Piegan from the Blackfoot tribe of that name, then Fort Mackenzie, and finally Fort Benton. 25 Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 78. 26 Stevens to Grover, September 5, 1853, ibid., I, 34.

	56                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Donelson, after having sent Tinkham to reconnoiter the Three Buttes, arrived at Fort Benton with the main train on September 6. There he promptly received written instructions from Governor Stevens for the future prosecution of the survey.27 At the same time Stevens reported to the War Depart­ment that a deficiency would be incurred were everything completed according to his original instructions.28 He decided, nevertheless, to continue, since the determination of the depth of the snow in the mountains was by far the most important object .of his expedition; for this purpose winter posts should be established at Fort Benton and in the Bitter Root Valley. Accordingly he hoped for an additional appropriation (which was granted him) to enable him to complete the survey with the same thoroughness with which he had operated thus far. He also urged the matter of the Blackfeet council upon the Indian De­partment, saying that it would have a weighty influence on the whole question of emigration along the route, and of any oper­ation which might be taken by the government, or its citizens, either in the way of wagon roads or railroads.29 Better to advertise this council among the Indians, Stevens sent Lieutenant Mullan on an expedition south to the Flathead camp on the Muscle (or Mussel) Shell River, conveying a message of peace to them. A second object of this expedition was to explore some good pass, of which several were known to exist, leading from the forks of the Missouri to the Bitter Root Valley.30 All reconnoitering parties set out on September 9, and, on the same day, Stevens departed for Cypress Mountain to the
	2t Stevens to Donelson, September 7, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 35-38. 28  Stevens to Davis, September 8, 1853, ibid., I, 23-24. 29 Ibid., I, 23. 30  Stevens to Mullan, September 8, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 34-35.

	Stevens's Explorations                           57 north (in British possessions) to hold a meeting with the Black-feet residing there. He had barely reached the Marias River, however, when he was overtaken by an express from Donelson, at the fort, saying that Grover had met the advance party from the west on the dividing ridge and was returning with Saxton to Port Benton. Stevens accordingly put Mr. Stanley in charge of the expedition to the Piegan (Blackfeet) camp, and returned to the fort. Saxton's Reconnaissance from Fort Vancouver to Fort Ben-ton.—Saxton immediately made his report to his chief.31 He stated that he had arrived at Fort Vancouver on June 27, and, after making the necessary preparations, had sent Lieutenant Arnold with an advance party and with stores designed for the depot in the Bitter Root Valley. Saxton overtook Arnold at the Dalles, and the entire advance party, fifty-two in number, consisting of Lieutenants Saxton, McFeely, and Arnold, Messrs. Arnold and Hoyt, and forty-seven enlisted men, set out on the emigrant road parallel to the south bank of the Columbia. On July 27, Fort Walla Walla, one hundred and twenty miles from the Dalles, was reached. Learning there that the usual direct route to the Bitter Root Valley by way of the Kooskooskia River was very difficult, Saxton determined to adopt the more circuitous one by way of Lake Pend d'Oreille to the north. From Fort Walla Walla, therefore, his route lay up the Walla Walla Valley for twenty-five miles and thence crossing to the Snake River. Near the mouth of the Peluse (or Pelouse) River he was met by a large delegation of the Peluse and Nez Perces warriors who were greatly excited and feared that Sax-ton's party boded them no good. But Saxton reassured them and secured their aid in making the difficult crossing of the Snake. Being then in good country he made long marches directing his
	31 See ibid., I, 251-269 for complete final report of Saxton made in February, 1854.

	58                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads course north, and going eighty-five miles reached the Spokane River. The Indian tribes of this region were found to be "a noble specimen of their race, and... as yet too proud to beg."32 They too were alarmed at Saxton's approach, since they had been told by Spanish traders that the Americans were coming to make war on them. From the Spokane River, Saxton directed his course to Lake Pend d'Orielle, following up the Coeur d'Alene River and crossing the prairie of that name. From the Pend d'Oreille Indians, whom he describes as "perfectly civil, and seemed to feel proud, rich, and independent,'>33 he learned of a large party (Stevens's), coming from the east to make peace with the Black-feet. On leaving the north shore of the lake his route lay along the valley of Clark's Fork for seventy-five miles, to the point where it is formed by the junction of the Bitter Root and Flat-head rivers. Then, crossing the Cabinet Range, he entered Thompson's Prairie where the Hudson's Bay Company had established a large trading post; and, on August 28, he reached St. Mary's village in the Bitter Root Valley. This village had originally been laid out in 1841 by Jesuit missionaries, led by Father de Smet, who had introduced agriculture and the arts among the Indians. The village had been completed by a Mr. Owen, who had recently abandoned it, however, from fear of the Blackfeet.34 Having accomplished this most important portion of the work, Saxton sent back all of his extra men (nineteen) under Lieutenant McFeeley by way of the southern Nez Perces trail 32 Pacific Bailroad Beports, I, 256. 33IUd., I, 257. 34 The Blackfeet had been persistently hostile to the Americans even j before Astor and the American Fur Company entered their territory (Coman, Economic Beginnings of the Far West, I, 307, 344, 356, 364, etc.). As late as 1853 Saxton "was compelled to keep close guard to forestall their thefts and ambuscades (Pacific Bailroad Beports, I, 259).

	Stevens's Explorations                           59 across the Bitter Root Mountains near the Kooskooskia River. Saxton left the village on September 2 on his way to Fort Ben-ton, following up the Blackfoot Pork and crossing the dividing ridge between the headwaters of the Columbia and those of the Missouri. The ridge at this point (Cadotte's Pass) was less than a mile across.35 On September 8, he met Lieutenant Grover and his party on the way to St. Mary's village bringing news of the arrival of Stevens at Fort Benton. Thus one object of the whole expedition was accomplished—a party from the Atlantic and one from the Pacific had met at the foot of the dividing ridge after traversing thousands of miles of little known country. On September 12, Tinkham also reported at Fort Benton. As noted above (p. 56), he had been sent out by Donelson on Sep­tember 3 to examine the Three Buttes near the Canadian border. Leaving the main party at Bears Paw Mountain, he traversed the valley of Milk River nearly to the forty-ninth parallel. He then proceeded to and examined the Three Buttes. He found on these buttes36 many traces of Assiniboine, Crow, and Black-feet Indians. Pursuing then a southwestwardly course to the Marias River, he crossed it seventy miles above its mouth; thence he proceeded in a southeastwardly direction, until he reached the fort, eighty miles away. Thus in ten days Tinkham had covered two hundred miles over the plateau between the Milk and Marias rivers, a route about seventy-five miles north and west of that of the main train. He had, moreover, examined ss Ibid., 262: '' Nature seemed to have intended it for one of the great highways across the continent." 3" He describes them as "Distinct from each other, and isolated from any mountain group, they have been thrown up high above the surrounding country, and have long served as the watch-towers and land-marks of the roving tribes ranging for a thousand miles distance, north, south, east and west. Assiniboines, Crows and Blackfeet, all know them well in their geography, and their summits are marked with their monumental stone heaps, and retain the lodges where some war party has waited the favorable moment to pounce upon the unguarded and isolated wanderer of the plain below" (Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 228).

	60                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads the Milk, Marias, and Teton rivers for a great part of their course.37 From Fort Benton to the Bitter Root Valley.—After ex­tended conferences with Saxton and Grover, Stevens saw the need of haste in crossing the mountains before the severe winter snows set in. In order better to develop the country and with greater dispatch, he determined to cross the divide with only a pack train. Moreover, he decided to break up his party, sending Saxton down the Missouri by boat to St. Louis, and leaving Doty in charge of the equipment at Fort Benton with instructions to make side explorations and take meteorological observations dur­ing the winter.88 The main party, in charge of Lieutenant Donelson, departed from Fort Benton on September 16, while Stevens remained behind to treat further with the Indians. "While delaying at the fort he was joined by Stanley, who, as mentioned above (p. 57), had been sent on an expedition to the Piegan camp at the foot of Cypress Mountain, in British possessions. Leaving Fort Benton on the eleventh, he had gone by way of the Three Buttes to Milk Eiver and thence to Lake Pakokee. Reaching Cypress Mountain on the fourteenth, he had arranged with the Piegans for a conference. About one thousand Indians returned with him as far as the Milk River to hunt; and thirty families continued with him to Fort Benton in order to meet Governor Stevens.39 On September 21, Stevens met with the Piegans, Bloods, and ] Blackfeet. The latter tribe offered to meet with the Gros Ventres, the Flatheads, and the Nez Perces in council the following year in order to settle their long-standing difficulties. On the twenty- j second Stevens left the fort, having dispatched Saxton in a keel 81 See Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 226-230 for report and itinerary of Tinkham's reconnaissance of the Three Buttes. 38  Stevens to Secretary of War Davis, September 18, 1853, ibid., I, 26-32. 39  Report of Stanley, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 447-449.

	Stevens's Explorations                           61 boat down the Missouri to St. Louis, and Grover in a smaller boat on a minute reconnaissance of the river from the Great Falls to the mouth of Milk River. On leaving the fort he ex­pressed the feeling that the "short sojourn there had not only let us into the experiences and vicissitudes of life in a remote mountain post, surrounded by numerous Indians, and accessible to information from home but once or twice a year, but we felt also that we had made warm and fast friends of all the inhabitants of that region—voyageurs, Indians, and gentlemen of the Pur Company. And I ascribed it mainly to one reason, that they felt that beneficial results would flow from the expedition.... "40 Stevens's route, on leaving Fort Benton, lay up the Teton River, crossing then to the Sun. His objective point was the pass lying between the Crown Buttes and the Rattlers, two prominent landmarks to the west. Continuing southwest on the Blackfoot trail, he crossed Beaver Creek, tributary of the Mis­souri, and later Dearborn River. He then crossed the dividing ridge of the Rocky Mountains by way of Cadotte's Pass, and entered on the western side, following the valley of the Black­foot Fork. He soon overtook Donelson, and it was decided to continue to the Bitter Root Valley. Stevens here learned of the reconnaissance of Tinkham, who had gone up the Sun River to its headwaters and then followed south along the eastern base of the divide, crossing likewise by way of Cadotte's Pass. And it was seen from the evidences of recent camps that Lander also had preceded the main party to the Bitter Root Valley. The main train now continued down the valley of the Blackfoot, and, crossing the prairie of that name, reached the Hell-Gate Fork of the Blackfoot. Stevens followed this stream to its junction with the Bitter Root and then, turning south, he ascended the valley of the latter to St. Mary's village and Fort Owen. At 40 Stevens, "Narrative of 1853," ibid., XII, pt. 1, p. 99.

	62                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads the latter place he found Lander, who had been in the valley for ten days. Lander, under instructions from Donelson, had run a line from the Marias to the Teton River and thence to the Sun River, six miles below its forks. He then continued to the upper waters of the Dearborn and along the foothills of the Rockies, crossing the latter by a pass called by Stevens the Lewis and Clark Pass (the pass traversed by Captain Lewis on his return trip from the Bitter Root Valley). Lander then continued down the Blackfoot Valley, and, crossing the Hell-Gate Fork, reached the Bitter Root River and Fort Owen. He was, however, unable to make any observations bearing on its practicability as a rail­road route.41 Stevens delayed at Fort Owen, which was located on the Scattering Fork of Lewis and Clark, a tributary of the Bitter Root, from September 29 until October 3, preparing to move all the parties west.42 On the thirtieth he was joined by Lieu­tenant Mullan, who, as noted above, had left Fort Benton on September 9 to visit the Flathead camp, reported to be "beyond the Muscle Shell," and conduct a delegation of the Indians to the council to be held at St. Mary's village.43 Crossing the Mis­souri at Fort Benton, Mullan pursued a southeasterly direction, passing along the sources of the Judith River to what he believed to be the Muscle Shell.44 He then traveled southeast for almost eighty miles to the country of the Flathead, or Sellish, Indians. After conversing with them in French, which one of their number « Eeport of F. "W. Lander, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 275-276. « The encampment in the Bitter Eoot Valley was called Cantonment Stevens in honor of the leader of the expedition; and the town of Stevens-ville perpetuates his name in that valley to the present time. 43 Report of Lieutenant J. Mullan, October 2, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 59. Eeport of Lieutenant J. Mullan, January 20, 1854, ibid., 301. 44 Lieutenant Warren in Pacific Railroad Reports, XI, 65, gives evidence that this must have been the Yellowstone River as mapped and described by Captain Clark on the Lewis and Clark expedition.

	Stevens's Explorations                           63 understood, he succeeded in persuading four of their chief men to accompany him on his return journey. His return route led back to the Muscle Shell, and he then followed this stream to the mouth of its northwest branch, probably Shields River. After ascending the latter stream and crossing the Belt Moun­tains, he descended along the headwaters of Deep, or Smith's, River to the Missouri, almost at its sources. Crossing the Mis­souri, Mullan followed up Prickly Pear Creek to the divide between the waters of the Columbia and those of the Missouri. This divide he crossed by means of the Hell-Gate Pass,45 and descended the valley of Little Blackfoot River to its junction with the Hell-Gate, or Deer Lodge, Creek. Following the latter, he reached the trail of the main party at Big Blackfoot Fork and followed it to Fort Owen. His reconnaissance of four hundred and fifteen miles opened up a vast area, known and accessible only to the hunters and trappers. Two days were utilized by Stevens while at Fort Owen in a council with the Nez Perces and Flathead Indians. He reassured them of gov­ernment protection and told them of the benefits to be derived from trade and agriculture. He urged their attendance at the great council of all the Indian tribes to be held at Fort Benton the ensuing year; and he asked that they persuade other Indian tribes to the west to attend. Stevens, moreover, promised to leave Lieutenant Mullan at Fort Owen to protect and aid the Indians in every way possible. From the Bitter Root Valley to the Spokane.—Although the country between Fort Owen and the Pacific had already been traversed and examined by Saxton, Stevens determined to send Donelson over the same route.46 Lander was to assist Donelson, making all side explorations and collecting data bearing on the *5 This pass today bears the name of Mullan's Pass, after the engineer. The city of Helena lies near its eastern entrance. 46 Stevens to Donelson, October 2, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 62-63.

	64                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads question of railroad construction. Lander, leading the advance party, departed from Fort Owen on October 2; Donelson set the main train in motion the following day. Passing from the Bitter Root Valley to the Jocko River, Donelson followed it to Clark's Fork; Lander meanwhile followed the Bitter Root Valley to Clark's Fork. While Stevens remained for a day or so in camp at Fort Owen, he was joined by Tinkham, who had reconnoitered Clark's Fork and the Jocko River.47 Tinkham immediately received instructions to once more cross the mountains with a Flathead Indian as guide, and to explore the Marias Pass, still believed by Stevens to be the most practicable. After reaching Fort Benton and procuring fresh horses, he was to return to the Bitter Root Valley, accompanied by Mr. Doty, by way of some route south of those already explored. From the Bitter Root Valley he was to go by way of the southern Nez Perces trail across the Bitter Root Mountains to Fort Walla Walla.48 Stevens, on the same day, directed Dr. Suckley to descend the Bitter Root River, Clark's Fork, and the Columbia in a canoe. Having issued his instructions to Tinkham and to Mullan,49 who was to remain in the valley, Stevens set out with a small party, following Lander's trail down the Bitter Root.50 The Bitter Root Mountains were crossed51 near the headwaters of the St. Regis Borgia to the Coeur d'Alene River, and soon he arrived at the mission of that name, located not far from the lake.
	« Report of A. W. Tinkham, February 18, 1854, Hid., I, 273-275. 48  Stevens to Tinkham, October 3, 1853, ibid., I, 64-65. 49  Stevens to Mullan, October 3, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Beports, I, 61-62. 52 Stevens made constant use of the narrative of the Lewis and Clark expedition, and paid high tribute to the accuracy with which they described the features of the valley. si The pass by which he crossed the Bitter Boot Mountains, and a peak in the immediate vicinity, today bear the name of "Stevens" in honor of the explorer.

	Stevens's Explorations                           65 This mission,52 presided over by three French Jesuits, was sit­uated on an eminence and furnished employment to many Indians. The Indians were paid for their outdoor work with tickets, and with these tickets, vegetables, manufactured articles, etc., could be purchased from the mission supply. After leaving the mission, Stevens passed along the northern edge of the lake, and followed the Coeur d'Alene River across the prairie to Saxton's trail. After crossing the Spokane River he arrived at the old Spokane House, a relic of the widespread activities of the Northwest Company, which was then in ruins. Upon learning from some Spokane Indians that there was a large party opposite Fort Colville, Stevens determined to go thither, making the journey from Spokane House to the fort in a single afternoon. There he found Captain McClellan, and from him he received a report of his operations from the Pacific.53 McCleUan's Examinations of the Cascade Range.—McClel­lan 's party, known as the western division, had been organized at Vancouver on June 29, 1853, but, on account of various difficulties, had been unable to set out until July 18. The party consisted of Captain McClellan, in command, Lieutenant J. K. Duncan, Lieutenant S. Mowry, Lieutenant H. C. Hodges, J. F. Minter, civil engineer, George Gibbs, geologist, and J. G. Cooper, naturalist. In addition there were twenty-eight soldiers and a number of packers and hunters, making in all, sixty-six in the party. Setting out from Fort Vancouver, McClellan pursued a northerly direction by way of Yahkote to the Cathlapoot '1 River. The country traversed was thickly covered with forest and undergrowth and offered little inducement to settlement. After
	52 The mission of the Sacred Heart for the Coeur d 'Alene was another monument to the work of Father de Smet among the Indians of the North­west. 53 McClelland's full report and itinerary, rendered February 25, 1854, in Pacific Railroad Eeports, I, 188-202. See Hid., I, 24^25 for report made from Ketetas Prairie September 18, 1853.

	66                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads following for several days along the Cathlapoot'l he crossed a dividing ridge to the settlement of Chequos. From this point five large mountains were to be seen: Rainier, St. Helen's, Adams, Hood, and Jefferson. Believing, from the contour of the land, that he would be unable to find a suitable pass near St. Helen's, McClellan determined to explore north to the vicinity of Mount Rainier. Leaving Chequos, he crossed the Nikepun River and Talik Plain where his route turned almost due north. Soon after crossing the Pisco River he passed by the old Indian fortification at Simque, and, on August 17, encamped on the Atahnam River, one and one-half miles above the old mission of that name. This mission, in charge of two fathers, was inhab­ited only in the summer time. After spending two days at the mission obtaining information of the country and the Indians, McClellan moved forward to the Wenass River. Here a depot camp was established and parties were at once made up to examine the surrounding country. One of the first reconnoitering expeditions to be sent out was under the command of Lieutenant Hodges. His instructions54 ordered him to proceed to Fort Steilacoom on Puget Sound in order to procure provisions and additional pack animals. The route to be pursued by Hodges was that by way of Nachess (Natches, Natehess) Pass. A second party under Duncan was directed55 to cross to the main Yakima River and examine the upper portion of that valley, obtaining all possible information in regard to the surrounding country particularly in the north. A party under Gibbs received instructions to examine the Yakima Valley south to the Columbia. On the twenty-third McClellan himself led a party to examine the Nachess Pass, crossing from the Wenass into the valley of the Nachess River. Following the latter river, he crossed the
	5* Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 190. ss Hid.

	Stevens's Explorations                           67 summit of the dividing ridge into the valley of the Green River on the western slope. He then followed down the Green to the Skamish (Skywhamish), and, being satisfied of the practicability of the pass for railroad construction, he turned back and reached depot camp on the Wenass late on the twenty-ninth. Receiving word from Hodges at Steilacoom that provisions were difficult to procure and that mules were scarce, McClellan determined to reduce his party; accordingly a portion was sent back to the Dalles in charge of Lieutenant Mowry. After Duncan and Gibbs had returned from their examinations of the upper and lower Yakima, respectively, McClellan, on Sep­tember 3, moved his camp to Ketetas Prairie on the main Yakima. From this point he led a reconnoitering party to examine passes at the head of the river. After spending a week in this oper­ation, he decided that the Yakima Valley was entirely practicable for railroad construction.56 After receiving detailed reports from all his reconnoitering parties, McClellan, on the nineteenth, set out to cross the moun­tains between the Yakima and the Columbia. This summit proved to be more difficult than was at first expected, but the Columbia was finally reached on the twenty-first and camp placed on the Pisquouse River at its mouth. From this point the route lay up the Columbia Valley, crossing the Bnt-te-t-kwa River, Lake Chelan, and Mellow River to Fort Okinakane,57 which was reached on the twenty-seventh. This fort consisted of three log buildings surrounded by a stockade in the form of a square, with blockhouses at the extremity of one diagonal.58 It was occupied at that time by a Mr. Lafleur and two Kanakas as
	se McClellan to Secretary of "War Davis, September 18, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 24-26. 57 Present Fort Okanogan; the river name retains its original spelling. ss This post had been established in 1811 by the Hudson's Bay Company and strongly reenforced in 1825 by Dr. McLoughlin, but with the gradual withdrawal of the Company, its importance had declined.

	68                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads a garrison.59 Learning from them that there was a good foot-trail leading up the Methow River McClellan determined to explore this route. He was able to follow up the Twitap River for a short distance, but finding the route uterly impracticable for a railroad, he returned to Fort Okinakane. On October 5 the party once more set out from the fort, following the Okinakane River, and on the ninth reached their most northern point, thirteen miles south of the great Lake Okinakane in latitude forty-nine degrees and twenty-six minutes. Thorough search was made for a pass in this region, but none was found with a practicable connection with the Pacific; Mc­Clellan accordingly decided that the only available pass through the Cascade Range was the most excellent one by way of the Yakima River,60 the Nachess Pass being also favorably regarded. On the eleventh, McClellan turned back from the Lake, and on the twelfth departed from the Okinakane River at its forks. His route after crossing the small range of mountains to the east, led him down the Ne-hoi-al-pit-kwa River; and, on the seven­teenth, he reached the Columbia once more, this time opposite Fort Colville. The following day the entire party crossed the river in canoes to the fort, which was second only to Vancouver in size and importance.61 McClellan was already preparing to push forward to St. Mary's village with a small party, when, on the nineteenth, he was joined by Governor Stevens. Since McClellan had not run a direct line from Puget Sound to the fort, and Stevens thought this to be very necessary and important, he determined to bring the entire party together at a camp south of the Spokane River ss Pacific 'Railroad Reports, I, 197. so Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 198. Neither pass, however, has been utilized for railroad construction. The Northern Pacific crosses by Stam­pede Pass between the Yakima and Snoqualmie (Snoqualmoo). ei Ibid., I, 199. This fort had been established in 1825 by Dr. Mc-Loughlin to supersede Spokane House as a connecting link with New Cale­donia.

	Stevens's Explorations                           69 in order to accomplish this design. Prom this point, he would have parties move to the Sound and to the lower Columbia. He therefore sent word to Lieutenant Donelson, who was yet on the Clark's Fork, to meet him near Spokane House. Stevens's plans for the prosecution of the remainder of the survey were as follows: Captain McClellan and Mr. Lander would cross the Columbia near the mouth of the Yakima Kiver and carry the railroad line through the Snoqualmoo Pass to Puget Sound; Lieutenant Duncan would cross the Columbia just above the mouth of the Snake and mark out a route to Fort Vancouver along the north bank; Hodges would proceed at once to Fort Walla Walla and thence continue down the Columbia, having the main train in charge; Lieutenant Donelson would advance from Clark's Fork to Coeur d'Alene Mission and thence by trail direct to Walla Walla.02 Having determined upon the above plan of operation, Stevens, on October 21, departed for Spokane House. With him went McClellan and his party, their route leading down the valley of the Slawntelus River and crossing thence into the valley of the Chemikane. On reaching the Spokane River, they descended it as far as Spokane House, and there crossed to the central camping point, Camp Washington. While delaying at this point, Stevens, on October 28, was joined by Lieutenant Donelson, who had been operating independently since leaving the Bitter Root Valley. He had made a survey of the valley of Clark's Fork to Lake Pend d'Oreille, and then, skirting the eastern and northern borders of the lake, was once more upon the Clark's Fork. After leaving the Fork, he crossed the Coeur d'Alene Prairie to the river of that name, and thence across country to Camp Washington.63 62 Pacific Bailroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, p. 126. es See Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 269-277, for full report of his explora­tions from the Bitter Boot to the Columbia; see ibid., I, 360-363, for itinerary.

	70                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads From the Spokane to Puget Sound.—While in camp on the Spokane River, Stevens had opportunity to notice the poor condition of his stock and the scarcity of his provisions. The state of mind of his men, due to fear of the Indians, also caused him to alter his earlier plans. He therefore decided to send the entire party to Olympia by way of "Walla "Walla, the Dalles, and Fort Vancouver, meanwhile making a careful survey of the route.64 Accordingly, the party set out from Camp Washington on the thirtieth, pursuing a southerly direction. The main Peluse River was reached on November 2. From this point Stevens pushed ahead rapidly, and, by a forced journey, reached Fort Walla Walla in a single day. The main train proceeding more slowly crossed the Snake River on the third, passing along the north bank of the Touchet River, and reached the fort the day following. While maintaining his headquarters at Fort Walla Walla from the third to the eighth of November, Stevens made various reconnaissances in the vicinity; three days were spent on an expedition to McBarne's Fort and Whitman's Mission. On the sixth of the month, Osgood was dispatched to the Dalles with the wagon train of the division, and, on the eighth, Stevens, after sending Lander on a reconnaissance of Snoqualmoo Pass and receiving reports of Donelson and McClellan, departed for the Dalles by canoe. After an uneventful journey he reached the Dalles, and from there set out for Fort Vancouver and Olympia, arriving at the latter place on November 25. Soon Donelson and McClellan arrived for office duty and Mr. Lander likewise. The latter had been unsuccessful in his examination of Snoqualmoo Pass; Stevens therefore dispatched a letter, to await Mr. Tinkham at Walla Walla, instructing him to cross to Puget Sound by Snoqualmoo Pass. He had two purposes in -•
	His orders were issued from Camp Washington on October 29, 1853 , I, 66-67).

	Stevens's Explorations                           71 mind: first, to obtain positive information in regard to the depth of the snow in the winter months, and second, to connect his work with the Sound itself.65 Meanwhile, an examination was being made of the country near Shoalwater Bay on the Pacific by Mr. Gibbs, McClellan having sent him out when Gibbs arrived at Fort Vancouver. Gibbs canoed down the Columbia to Baker's Bay and thence portaged to Shoalwater Bay. The object of his exploration was to discover a route that would connect this bay with the interior. But Gibbs, after several attempts, was compelled by the rough­ness of the country to turn back.66 Explorations were also made of the Sound itself, with Olym-pia as the starting point. McClellan made the first exploration, going down the Sound in order to select a favorable port as the terminus for the railroad. Soon Stevens and Gibbs embarked on a trip down the Sound in order to visit and take a census of the Indian tribes, to examine the Sound, and to visit Vancouver's Island and its chief port Victoria. On this reconnaissance, they put in at Steilacoom, Seattle, Skagit Head, Pennis Cave, and Bellingham; they also went up the channel as far as De Rosario, De Haro, and Victoria, and, on the return along the west shore, visited Port Townsend. Meanwhile the reconnoitering and detached parties were arriving at Olympia. Among the first to come was Lieutenant Arnold, who had been sent from Fort Colville with instructions to examine the Columbia River to the mouth of Clark's Fork. He accomplished the journey by canoe with little difficulty except for portages. On his return to the fort he set out on the thir­teenth of November to examine the east bank of the Columbia to Fort Walla Walla, by way of the Grand Coulee. The route followed by Arnold in this section of his reconnaissance closely 65 Stevens to Tinkham, December 12, 1853, in Pacific Railroad Reports, 617-619. es Beport of Mr. Gibbs, ibid., I, 465-473.

	72                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads paralleled the Columbia as far as the Spokane River, which was reached about five miles above its mouth. Following, then, a rocky and difficult trail, he went around the Great Bend as far as the Grand Coulee. Arnold entered the mouth of the Coulee (here ten miles in width) by way of the river, and turning south followed an old trail of the Hudson's Bay Company up the Coulee. Continuing south, and following the beds of dry rivers, he reached the Columbia once more on November 24. His route then lay down that river, passing by the mouth of the Yakima and crossing the Snake River to Fort Walla Walla. Proceeding then by land to the Dalles and Fort Vancouver, he arrived at Olympia by way of Cowlitz River and Landing.67 Dr. Suckley also reported to Governor Stevens at Olympia, having made a journey entirely by canoe from the Bitter Root Valley to Fort Vancouver. He had set out from Fort Owen on October 15, and had descended the Bitter Root River, which, up to that time, was unknown and unmapped. Upon reaching Clark's Fork, he directed his course down that stream, and, on November 8, reached the St. Ignatius Mission,68 situated to the northwest of Lake Pend d'Oreille. In all this distance Suckley had been forced to make but two portages, one of these being at the Cabinet. Suckley found the mission to be in a very pros­perous condition after nine years of existence. The missionaries, of whom Father Hoecken was chief, had built there a large dwell­ing house, windmill, shops, barns, cow-sheds, and a large church. All sorts of vegetables were raised and a large amount of manu­facturing carried on at the mission. While at the mission, Suckley misunderstood his orders and, instead of proceeding as usual by canoe, he set out for Fort Colville by horse. After resting there a few days, he again embarked in a canoe on the Columbia below Kettle Falls, and <" See Pacific Bailroad Reports, I, 282-286, for full report of Arnold made February 5, 1854. 68 Founded in 1843 by Father de Smet for the Pend d'Oreille Indians.

	Stevens's Explorations                            73 reached Vancouver on December 6, after making two portages, one at the Dalles and one at the Cascades. His journey from Fort Owen had occupied fifty-three days, or two days less than the number employed by Donelson and the main train; the approximate distance traveled was one thousand and forty-nine miles. He had gathered many specimens for the natural history collection of the party, and in his diary he gives many excellent descriptions of the Indian tribes with which he had come in contact. On January 21, Stevens at Olympia received information that Mr. Tinkham had reached Walla Walla and was preparing to make his examination of Snoqualmoo Pass. On the same day, McClellan reported on an attempted examination of the Yakima passes from the western side.69 One attempt was made by land by way of Steilacom, but this ended in failure. He then pro­ceeded by canoe up the Sound to the mouth of the Sinahomish River, and thence up the valley of this river and that of its south fork, the Snoqualmoo, to the falls of the latter. But on trying to advance farther he was stopped by the snow and consequently returned, reaching Olympia on January 21. Independent Reconnaissances of Mr. Tinkham.—A few days later Tinkham also arrived at Olympia. He had been operating independently of the main party since leaving the Bitter Root Valley. Starting on October 9, 1853, he had followed the Jocko River to the Flathead, and then descended the broad valley of the latter to Flathead Lake. Passing along the western border of the lake he had ascended by the right bank of a stream which he also called Flathead River, but which later received from Lieutenant Mullan the name of Maple River. Then turning east, on October 20 he crossed the summit of the Rocky Mountains by way of Marias Pass. After following the valley of the Marias
	es Stevens to Davis, January 31, 1854, in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 620-622.

	74                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads River for a distance, he crossed it to the Teton and followed the latter to Fort Benton. The distance traveled by Tinkham from the Jocko River to the fort was estimated at two hundred and ninety-five miles. On his return journey from Fort Benton, Tinkham set out on October 31 and followed up the Missouri by way of Belt Mountain Creek to Prickly Pear Creek. There he struck the old route of Mullan, made in September, 1853, on his return from the Flathead country, and on it crossed the divide by Hell-Gate Pass. The trail then led down the Little Blackfoot and Hell-Gate rivers to the Bitter Root and Cantonment Stevens. Tinkham remained in the Bitter Root Valley until November 20, when he again set out to examine an entirely new route to Walla Walla. He ascended to the head of St. Mary's Valley and then crossed the Bitter Root Mountains on the southern Nez Perces trail. This trail was found to be very difficult to traverse, and, at one point near the head of the Kooskoosky River, Tinkham was delayed for seven days by the snow. By slow stages, however, he was able to pass along the divide be­tween the Kooskooskia and Snake rivers, and on December 18 struck the Clearwater just above the. mouth of the Kooskooskia. After delaying five days among the Nez Perces Indians there he set out for Walla Walla, following the Clearwater to its junction with the Snake, and then turning south crossed the headwaters of the Two Canon and Touchet rivers to Fort Walla Walla on the Columbia. Receiving there further instructions to examine the Snoqual-moo Pass,70 he resumed operations on January 7. His route lay up the Columbia as far as the Yakima and thence up the valley of the latter stream. His journey was unobstructed, and the route was found favorable as far as Lake Kleallum, which was reached on January 17. Giving particular attention to the depth ™ See above, p. 70.

	Stevens's Explorations                           75 of the snow, he passed from Lake Kleallum to Lake Kachess and thence on to Lake Kitchelus. After he reached the summit of the Cascades the snow rapidly disappeared on the western side. Tinkham's route lay down the Nooknoo River, and passed to the south of the lake of the same name. He then crossed the ridge north to the falls of the Snoqualmoo and followed the valley of the latter for a short distance. After leaving the river, he pursued a circuitous route, arriving at Seattle on January 26. Owing to the lack of instruments, he had been unable to minutely determine the practicability of Snoqualmoo Pass for railroad construction,71 but was convinced that snow would be no great obstacle. Grover's Independent Reconnaissance.—Governor Stevens was preparing to leave Olympia for Washington in order to make his preliminary report to Congress when the reeonnoitering party headed by Lieutenant Grover arrived from Fort Benton. Grover had been left at Fort Benton in September, 1853, to make an examination of the Missouri River and to report on its practicability for navigation. He carried out his instructions with the greatest thoroughness, and was able to report not only upon the navigability of the river from Fort Benton to the mouth of the Milk River, but also upon the nature of the adjoin­ing country and its practicability for settlement.72 Grover remained at Fort Benton until January 2, 1854, when he set out to cross the mountains with dog-sleds, and thereby to obtain the much needed information on the amount of snowfall
	7i Pacific Railroad Seports, I, 63. MeClellan (ibid., I, 182) believed that not less than twenty-five feet of snow would be found in the pass in ordinary winters, while Tinkham had reported but seven. Governor Stevens, however, was inclined to accept Tinkham's view. This led to a severance of friendly relations with his chief assistant, which lasted until the two met in Washington during the war, when a reconciliation took place. For full report and itinerary of Tinkham's route from Fort Owen by the southern New Perces trail to Walla Walla, see ibid., I, 374-377. '2 See ibid., I, 488-498, for final report of Grover on his survey of the Missouri.

	76                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads in the passes. His route lay from the Teton River to the Sun and thence to the Dearborn; he ascended a tributary of the latter to the dividing ridge east of the headwaters of the Colum­bia River. After a steep ascent and descent on the west, he reached and followed the Blackfoot River. This portion of the journey was very difficult; the trail was obliterated by snow and dangerous from ice. Moreover, provisions became low and on January 21 the only food to be had was pancakes cooked in candle grease. But after striking the Hell-Gate Fork on the twenty-first, and soon the Bitter Root, the journey to Fort Owen was easily made. Grover tarried at Fort Owen and Cantonment Stevens until January 30. Leaving there his dogs and sleds and procuring horses from Lieutenant Mullan, who had been left in charge at the fort, he resumed his march toward the Pacific. His route lay down the Bitter Root River to the mouth of the Hell-Gate and then passed through the "Defile of Coracah" to the Jocko River. Reaching the Flathead River he ascended it for a dis­tance and then passed west across the Kammas Prairie and Horse Plain to Clark's Fork. As he followed down the valley of the latter, his trail was often made difficult by snow and the forests. Upon leaving Clark's Fork he crossed the Spokane Prairie to the river of that name. He then turned south and went by way of the Peluse and Snake rivers to Fort Walla Walla. Procuring fresh horses at the fort he pushed on to Fort Dalles and thence to Olympia where he made his report.73 Explorations of Lieutenant Mullan.—Another detached party that was making known a vast area of the country between Fort Benton and Puget Sound was that under the command of Lieutenant Mullan. During his travels he jour­neyed more than nine hundred miles and crossed the Rocky 73 For the final report and itinerary of Grover of his examinations between the headwaters of the Missouri and the Dalles of the Columbia, see ibid., I, 498-515.

	Stevens's Explorations                           77 Mountains six times, four times being in midwinter. Mullan, as has been noted above, had been detailed by Stevens to remain in the Bitter Root Valley to protect the Indians and to develop the surrounding country by surveys. His first reconnaissance began at St. Mary's village on, the Bitter Root River on October 14, 1853. The purpose of this expedition74 was to run a line from Fort Owen south to Fort Hall on the main emigrant road. His route lay up the Bitter Root Valley forty-three miles to the forks of the river, thence following the southeastern fork to its headwaters. Passing Big Hole, or Wisdom, River near its source, he turned south across Big Hole Prairie, a depression fifty miles long and fifteen wide. Then crossing an intervening ridge he descended Horse Prairie Creek, the principal tributary of Jeffer­son Fork (of the Missouri), to its junction with Red Butte Creek. From the valley of the latter stream he crossed the Rocky Mountains to Medicine Lodge Creek. His route then led past Market Lake and along the left bank of the Snake River to Cantonment Loring and Fort Hall, which he reached on Decem­ber 13. On December 19, Mullan started on his return trip from Fort Hall, going north over the same route to a point twenty miles above where he had crossed the Snake. He then turned to the northeast and ascended the valley of High Bank Creek, and on the twenty-fourth crossed the Rocky Mountain divide by a wagon road leading to Fort Hall and one often used by the missionaries. This pass lay to the east of the one traversed by Mullan in going to the fort. He then continued a northerly course across the branch of Jefferson Fork. Passing the divide between the Wis­dom and Hell-Gate rivers on December 31, he was once more on the waters of the Columbia. His route then led down the Hell-Gate to the Bitter Root and thence to Fort Owen. Thus in forty-five days he had traversed more than seven hundred miles; 74 Stevens to Mullan, October 3, 1853, ibid., I, 61-62.

	78                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads he had crossed the Rocky Mountain divide four times in four different places, and had found no snow that would be an obstacle to railroad construction.75 Mullan, while wintering at Port Owen, learned from several sources that a practicable pass for wagons existed in the Rockies; and on March 2 he set out to prove this to his own satisfaction. By following the Hell-Gate and Little Blackfoot rivers, and threading Hell-Gate Pass, he reached Fort Benton in twelve days, and after three days he set out on his return with a loaded wagon. His route lay across the table-land between the Teton and Missouri rivers, thence to the Sun and the Dearborn; it followed a line south of that made by Lieutenant Donelson in 1853. From the Dearborn his course led to the mountains, and, after an eight days' journey from Fort Benton, he crossed the divide with no difficulty and followed down the broad and easy valley of the Little Blackfoot and Hell-Gate rivers to the Bitter Root. In fourteen days from Fort Benton he arrived at .Fort Owen with his wagon, the first vehicle to cross the mountains in the course of the survey. Mullan regarded the route last traversed as the best that he had examined in the mountain region.76 This same route was examined and favorably reported upon by Mr. Doty later in the year. In April, 1854, Mullan received written instructions from Stevens to continue his explorations of the country between the Rocky and Bitter Root mountains as far north as the Flathead Lake and the upper waters of Clark's Fork. Accordingly he set out from Fort Owen, followed down the Bitter Root and Hell-Gate valleys, crossing to the Jocko by way of the "defile of Coracah." Upon reaching Clark's Fork he followed the right
	" See Pacific Bailroad Reports, I, 322-325, for full report of this recon­naissance from the Bitter Root Valley to Fort Hall. 76 Pacific Bailroad Beports, I, 352. Mullan's report of this expedition was made to Governor Stevens April 2, 1854, while the latter was in Wash­ington, D. C, preparing his statement to Congress.

	Stevens's Explorations                           79 bank to the Kammas Prairie, and then turned by way of Hot Spring Creek to Flathead River. He directed his course up the river valley to the lake of the same name and then along the western shore of the lake to Maple River.77 Ascending this stream to its source and crossing the intervening ridge, he reached the valley of the Kootenay and the main river on April 25. On his return route he sought a more direct line to Clark's Fork, and accordingly ascended Tobacco River to its source in the range of mountains west of Flathead Lake. Then crossing an elevated prairie dotted with lakes, he arrived at the headwaters of Hot Spring Creek and followed this stream to the Fork. On May 2 he crossed the Fork, ascended the Jocko and reached the Hell-Gate; then traversing the well beaten trail he arrived at Cantonment Stevens on May 5.78 During May and June Mullan made a reconnaissance to the Pend d'Orielle Mission, Fort Colville, and the Spokane River, and made a thorough examination of Coeur d'Alene, or Stevens Pass.79 In June he received instructions from Stevens, dated at "Washington, D. C, June 2, to advance to the Pacific. Mullan therefore determined to mark out an entirely new course;80 the only route known to remain unexplored was that by the Lou-Lou Fork of the Bitter Root. Mullan set out from Canton­ment Stevens on September 19, 1854, following the Bitter Root to the Lou-Lou Fork. As he ascended the river between the waters of the Bitter Root and the Salmon Fork of the Clear-water, by way of the Lou-Lou Valley, his route became more difficult. The entire country was one immense bed of rugged,
	" This river also bore the name of "Flathead," having been so desig­nated by Tinkham on his reconnaissance. But the name "Maple" has persisted. 78 See Pacific Railroad Meports, I, 516-527, for full report of his exam­ination of the country from the Bitter Boot to Flathead Lake and Kootenay, May 8, 1854. "Report of Lieutenant Mullan, November 12, 1854, ibid., I, 528-529. so Hid., I, 527.

	80                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads difficult, pine-clad mountains with many small, rich prairies intervening. It required eleven days to traverse the sixty-five miles to the Kooskoosky River. On October 2 he entered on the southeast corner of the great plain of the Columbia at the point where the Kooskoosky, or Clearwater, issues from the Bitter Root Mountains. Following the stream, he reached the Snake on October 5, soon leaving it, however, at its great bend to the south, and crossing the intervening country to the Pelahat, an affluent of the Tukanon (Two Cafion). He then passed to the Touchet and followed it to Fort Walla Walla, arriving there on October 9. There he met his companion, Doty, who had operated from Fort Owen across the Coeur d'Alene Prairie, and together they took the river road of the Columbia to the Dalles and thence to Olympia. The route which Mullan had followed from the Bitter Root Valley had been essentially that pursued by Lewis and Clark in 1805-06. Mullan, in all, had examined three routes across the Bitter Root Mountains. He believed that the one by the Coeur d'Alene River and lake was the best and most practicable.81 Governor Stevens, while this most important detached party was yet in the field, had made a hasty trip to Washington, D. C. in order to present to the Secretary of War his report of oper­ations up to April, 1854. This was one of the first Pacific rail­way reports to be made, and, incomplete as it necessarily was, it attested the thoroughness with which the survey had been conducted and the northern region explored. Stevens was absent from Olympia from March 26 until December 31, 1854, during which time other reconnaissances were being made and reports prepared. Reconnaissance of Mr. Doty.—One of the detached parties was that under the command of Mr. Doty. This engineer had been detailed by Stevens to remain at Fort Benton in order to si Pacific Railroad Beports, I, 537.

	Stevens's Explorations                           81 make meteorological observations and reconnoiter the surround­ing country.82 After a winter of local activity, he determined to examine the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains from Fort Benton to the northern border of the United States. Accord­ingly, he set out in May, 1854, accompanied by three men and an Indian boy as guide. He followed the course of the Missouri Eiver to the Great Falls, and then, turning northwest, in fifteen miles struck the Medicine, or Sun, River about eight miles above its mouth. He followed up the valley of this stream to the base of the mountains. His course then led along the east base of the divide to the Marias River, crossing the headwaters of the Teton and the numerous tributaries of the Marias. At the head of the latter was the Marias Pass, which had been examined by Mr. Tinkham in October, 1853. Continuing north, Doty crossed several tributaries to the Milk River and on May 28 reached his most northern point, Chief Mountain Lake, in lower Canada. On June 5 he set out on the return journey south to the Marias River and then southwest along its course, no examination being made of the Pass. On this expedition Doty had made a thorough exploration of the Missouri along the base of the Rocky Mountains to 49? 30', and had obtained a thorough odometer measurement of the boundary. He had traced the sources of the Sun, the Breast, the Marias, and the Milk; moreover, he had collected many valuable specimens in geology, natural history, and botany. Doty remained at Fort Benton until July 8, when with three companions he set out for the Bitter Root Valley. His route was the same as that which the main train had pursued in 1853 to a point within ten miles of the divide of the Rocky Mountains. He then turned due west and crossed on Lander's trail through Lewis and Clark Pass, striking Stevens's trail once more about twelve and one-quarter miles west of Cadotte's Pass (by which 82 See above, p. 60.

	82                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads Stevens had crossed). He then followed the general direction of the Blackfoot to the Hell-Gate and the latter to the Bitter Root and Cantonment Stevens. On his return he followed the Bitter Root Valley to the Hell-Gate and up the latter to the Little Blackfoot. He was then on Mullan's trail, traversing almost the same route as Mullan had followed on his reconnais­sance from Port Benton to Fort Owen. Doty arrived at the former place on July 30. Receiving there instructions from Governor Stevens, dated at Washington, June 2, to proceed to Olympia, Doty set out on September 7, pursuing the old trail to the Bitter Root Valley. After a delay at Cantonment Stevens he advanced by way of Regis Borgia Creek to the Coeur d'Alene Mission, this being the route laid out by Stevens in 1853. From the Mission, however. Doty pursued a more direct route southwest to Walla Walla, south of the Lake, and reached the main Peluse River near its junction with the Snake. From Fort Walla Walla he followed the emigrant road through Nachess Pass, arriving at Olympia on October 24.83 After all reports had been made, Stevens was still in doubt as to the Snoqualmoo Pass and urged its further examination; he believed that it would be found to be the most direct and most practicable pass to the Cascades. During the winter months, until active explorations could once more be resumed, councils were held with most of the tribes of the territory and treaties made with many of them. From such discourses Stevens was able to obtain a large mass of information on the character of the country and especially its capacity for settlement. Mr. Doty was also very active among the Indian tribes of the eastern portion of the territory, the Yakimas and the Nez Perces, urging all the tribes to meet in council at Walla Walla.
	83 Pacific Mailroad [Reports, I, 553—565, for full report of Doty's activ­ities during 1853 and 1854.

	Stevens's Explorations                           83 Stevens's Operations During 1855.—The next year (1855), Stevens was once more willing to continue his explorations. But the government did not deem it advisable to spend more money on this section of the country, since sufficient information had already been obtained to determine the question of its prac­ticability for railroads; and the only portion about which Stevens was in any way doubtful was the Snoqualmoo Pass. Accordingly, his explorations during 1855 were made with no pecuniary assistance whatever from the government, and by them Stevens was able to verify his observations of 1853, especially in regard to longitude. His explorations were, in a measure, authorized by the necessity of urging on the Indian tribes attendance at the large Blackfoot Council. Stevens set out from Walla Walla in June, 1855, going by way of the Touehet River to the Snake and then following the valley of the latter and that of the Peluse. Having arrived at the Coeur d'Alene Mission, he followed the route of the Coeur d 'Alene River and Regis Borgia Creek to the Bitter Root Valley. Upon his arrival there, he held a council with the Kootenay, Pend d'Oreille, and Plathead Indians. Leaving the Bitter Root Valley on July 18, he followed the usual route by the Hell-Gate and Big Blackfoot rivers to Cadotte's Pass, continuing by the Medicine and Big Blackfoot rivers. From this center he sent out expeditions to Box Elder Creek and Milk River. Mr. Doty, his assistant, made a remark­able trip to the Saskatchewan to recover some horses stolen from the Pend d'Oreilles by the Blackfeet. Doty on this journey covered five hundred and eighty-three miles in fifteen days. After holding council with the Blackfeet at the mouth of the Judith River, Stevens set out on his return. Upon his arrival in the Bitter Root Valley he learned of an Indian outbreak in the region to the west, and, determining to quell the uprising by surprise, he went by forced marches over the Coeur d'Alene

	84                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads route. His reason for traversing this route was that the Indians believed it to be blocked with snow, and would least expect him from that direction. He descended suddenly upon the Coeur d'Alene Mission and succeeded in pacifying the Indians there. He then held council with the Spokanes and Coeur d'Alenes upon the Spokane River, quieting them and their Nez Perces neighbors to the south. Governor Stevens's active operations in the survey for a practicable railroad route having now been concluded, he began an advocacy of the northern road which lasted until his death. His explorations had shown that there was a favorable route from the Mississippi River to the Rocky Mountains either by way of the Missouri or the Yellowstone; that the main divide could be crossed by one of five practicable passes; that the Bitter Root Range, while more formidable could be turned at the north by way of Lake Pend d'Oreille; that there were several prac­ticable passes through the Cascades; and that the valley of the Columbia offered a favorable route to Fort Vancouver and Olympia.84 The energy of Governor Stevens had enabled him to make one of the first Pacific railroad reports, on June 30, 1854. His ability is further attested by the fact that his was the only survey from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean under a single commander. The zeal and thoroughness with which he had accomplished it were characteristic of the man; and these traits were further displayed in his administration as first governor of Washington Territory.
	8* Pacific Railroad Reports, XII, pt. 1, pp. 232-247. Stevens estimated that the distance from Breckenridge on the western border of Minnesota, to Seattle by way of the Missouri and Cadotte's Pass was 1551 miles; the distance by Lewis and Clark's Pass was twenty-five miles shorter (ibid., XII, pt. 1, p. 351).

	CHAPTER V EXPLOEATIONS FOE A CENTEAL EOUTE1 Captain Gunnison's Explorations between the Thirty-eighth and Thirty-ninth Parallels.—Captain Gunnison, by order of the War Department of May 20, 1853, was directed to commence operations at Fort Leavenworth and '' with the escort proceed to the Huerfano river, making such reconnaissances from the Mis­souri river as will develop the general features of the country, and determine the practicability of a railroad across the plains, and its connexion with the eastern lines of commerce. '' The more minute reconnaissance will continue up the Huer­fano into the San. Luis valley, and thence through the most elig'ble pass to the valley of the Grand river, and westwardly to the vicinity of the Vegas de Santa Clara, and thence, on the most advisable route, either along the Nicollet river, or to the west of the ranges of mountains bordering that stream, into the basin upon the route to the Great Salt lake; thence to Utah lake and through the Timpanagos canon or other passes, and across the Weber and Bear rivers, by the Coal basin, to Fort Laramie.' '2 Lieutenant E. G. Beckwith and Mr. E. H. Kern were selected as assistants to Gunnison, the latter, Kern, having for many years conducted operations in the west, both independently and as assistant to Fremont. This field of exploration, the route of '38-'39, was by no means new to Gunnison either, since he had 1 The report of these operations is contained in Pacific Railroad Reports, II, supplemented by 167 pages of vol. X (scientific report). My account has been taken from the itineraries kept by Lieutenant Beckwith, supple­mented by letters to the Secretary of War, reports of reconnoitering expe­ditions, etc. 2 Pacific Bailroad Beports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 10.

	86                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads been to Utah with Stansbury in 1847 and 1850, and had already written one of the best books upon the Mormon settlement. Captain Gunnison followed Governor Stevens into St. Louis in 1853, arriving there on June 4. He immediately arranged to have his supplies and outfit shipped in charge of Kern to a fitting-out camp just below the mouth of the Kansas River, five miles from "VVestport. "While this was being accomplished, Gun-nison and Beekwith detoured by way of Fort Leavenworth to secure an escort, reaching "Westport on June 19. Like other commanders, he spent much time "in breaking in wild mules," with which he advanced in a rain storm on June 23. The party followed the Santa Fe road, and reconnaissances were made on either side, thereby demonstrating the practicability of a railroad along the emigrant route leading to Salt Lake and Oregon. It was Gunnison's intention to rejoin the second division under his Lieutenant Beekwith at the junction of "Walnut Creek and the Arkansas. For two weeks the survey operated on two parallel routes. Gunnison followed the emigrant road as far as Shuna Munga Creek where it branched off; then he pursued a direct course along the Kansas to Fort Riley3 on the Republi­can Fork (or Pawnee River), reaching there on July 4. This fort marked the head of navigation on the Kansas River, from \ which point supplies were sent overland to the Indian country | and to New Mexico. From Fort Riley Gunnison's route lay along the north bank of the Smoky Hill Fork, a section which had never before been examined. Great difficulty was exper» enced in crossing the numerous tributaries, although the Dela­ware Indians were zealous to aid them.4 After cutting off the
	3 Fort Riley was at that time in course of construction. * '' Without our Delawares, we could not have affected this work. They plunged into the boiling current with the ropes on their necks, and stretched them across the stream for us, and then passed along the same to slip the noose over the knots.'' Pacific Railroad Reports, II, pt. ll (Beekwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 17.

	Explorations for a Central Route                   87 great south bend of the river which begins at Saline Fork, he crossed the river, and, turning southeast, joined Beckwith on Walnut Creek. Beckwith had followed a route about thirty miles south of that of Gunnison, along the Santa Fe road. Numerous streams flowing into the Kansas and Arkansas rivers were crossed before he reached the junction of Walnut Creek and the latter, where he was to await Gunnison. On Walnut Creek he found a detach­ment of soldiers under Major Johnson preparing to build a fort (Fort Zarah), for the Kansas, Osage, and Sac Indians were numerous and often troublesome in this region.5 After the party had united it continued along the river to a camp on Pawnee Fork. On computing distances there it was found that Gunnison had traversed three hundred and twenty-two miles from Westport by way of Smoky Hill Fork, while Beckwith had gone two hundred and ninety-three miles by the Santa Fe trail. At the Pawnee Fork the trail branched, one following the windings of the Arkansas, and the other leading directly to Fort Atkinson; Gunnison chose to pursue the latter course. At Coon Creek he entered the Neutral, or Hunting, Ground, which separated the Sacs, Osages, and Kansas from their Comanche and Kioway neighbors on the west, and on July 16 the party arrived at the Comanche country, passing hundreds of lodges. On the banks of the Arkansas were placed the camps of the Kioway women and children, the bucks of the tribe having joined the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Jacarilla Apaches, and Comanches to wipe out the Pawnee.6 Continuing along the Santa Fe road north of the Arkansas rapid time was made because the route was so well denned.
	5 He describes them as '' filthy, dirty beings, and quite as impudent and pilfering as their wilder brethren to the west.'' Pacific Railroad Reports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 23. e Ibid., 25.

	88                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads On July 29, the party reached Bent's Fort, which had been abandoned and destroyed four years previous, only the remnant of the walls and towers remaining. Gunnison describes its location as '' one of the most favorable points for a military post which is anywhere presented on the Plains.... It is of easy access from its central position, from the east, from Santa Fe, from Taos through the Sangre de Cristo Pass, and from Fort Laramie. It is on an emigrant road from southern Missouri and Arkansas, either by the North, Park or Coochetopa Pass; and it is in the heart of the Indian country, accessible to the resorts of the Comanches, Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kioways, some bands of Apaches, and even occasionally of the Utahs of New Mexico."7 From Bent's Fort the route continued along the north bank of the Arkansas. Gunnison was searching for the Huerfano River, which he had been instructed to examine and to cross into the San Luis Valley. On reaching the mouth of the Apishpa River, he thought this to be the Huerfano. Accord­ingly, the route lay up the valley of the Apishpa, side reconnais­sances being made of the numerous ravines and canons. On August 6 the party turned from the Apishpa Valley toward the Spanish Peaks, striking a wagon trail which led from the Raton Pass to the Pueblo on the Arkansas River, and to Fort Laramie on the Platte.8 Gunnison followed this road in the direction of Santa Fe and the Cuchara River, and there, ascending a neigh­boring butte, he thus described the view: "Pike's Peak to the north, the Spanish Peaks to the south, the Sierra Mojada to the west, and the plains from the Arkansas—undulating with hills along the route we have come, but sweeping up in a gentle rise ? Ibid., 28. This section between Fort Leavenworth and Bent's Fort by way of Pawnee Fork had been traversed often by both official and unofficial expeditions. Emory, in 1846, had made an accurate survey. Gunnison was, therefore, concerned only in substantiating previous reports. 8 Pacific Railroad He-ports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 33.

	Explorations for a Central Route                   89 where we should have come—with the valleys of the Cuchara and Huerfano, make the finest prospect it has ever fallen to my lot to have seen.' '9 From this point Beckwith was sent on a reconnoitering expe­dition to the Greenhorn settlement, which was known to be in the vicinity and to lie east of the Wet Mountains. Beckwith's route lay northwest, crossing the Huerfano, and soon striking the trail which led from Taos to the Greenhorn River near the base of the Wet Mountains. On reaching the valley, he found the sole inhabitants to be six Mexican families who were cultivating wheat, corn, beans, and melons. At the settlement Beckwith engaged a Spanish New Mexican to guide the survey­ing party across the mountains into the San Luis Valley. On his return to the main camp on the Cuchara River, he followed a more westerly course; and the entire party then moved to the Huerfano. Gunnison believed that a more practicable and shorter route could have been taken direct from the Arkansas to Huerfano Butte; and he was able to say that '' no obstruction of any magnitude exists, thus far, to the successful construction of a railroad."10 After ascending the Huerfano River for a distance, the dividing ridge was crossed by the Sangre de Cristo Pass. The route of the main train was difficult; wagons were held by hand ropes to prevent their being overturned and the labor was the more arduous because of the rarined atmosphere at so great an elevation. The descent into the San Luis Valley was made by following Sangre de Cristo Creek almost to Fort Massachusetts. After completing his examination of the pass, Gunnison made a reconnaissance of the mountains to the south of the Spanish Peaks. Ascending a high peak, "the view was majestically beautiful, with the Huerfano, Cuchara and Apishpa at their s Ibid., 34. 10 Ibid., 36.                                                                                          ' ' ■> : :ir]

	90                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads feet, and towering mountains to the north and south, with the valley of the San Luis to the west.''" Upon the important subject of the snowfall in the Sangre de Cristo Pass, information was conflicting. One guide represented it as being fully ten feet in the winter; another represented it as being unusually free from snow for a mountain pass.12 Gun-nison determined to procure more reliable and experienced guides for the even more difficult country ahead, and accordingly sent Beckwith with one companion to Taos, "the headquarters of many of the most reliable and experienced of these mountain men."13 The route followed by Beckwith lay down the Sangre de Cristo to the Rio Grande and thence down the latter to Taos, more than one hundred miles south of Fort Massachusetts. He found the valley of Taos, as well as that of San Luis, dotted with small settlements and extensively cultivated. Procuring a com­petent guide at Taos, the return journey was made in thirty hours, over the same route. On August 23, Gunnison set the party in motion, directing his course to the north and west. Side reconnaissances were sent out with orders to try and discover a more direct route from the Huerfano River; Roubideau, or Mosca Pass (Musca, its original Spanish name), through the Sierra Blanca, was thoroughly examined, in the belief that it would offer a more direct route to California, but it was found to be impracticable; a similar reconnaissance was made of William's, or Sandy Hill, Pass, through which led an excellent Indian trail. From the crossing of the Riviere des Trois Tetons could be seen the opening in the San Luis Mountains far to the west 11 Ibid., 39. 12 The question of the amount of snowfall in the Sangre de Cristo Pass had long perplexed Fremont. It was his determination to investigate this factor that had led to his disaster of 1847. Gunnison's expedition passed too early in the year to make observations, and this induced Fremont to make his winter expedition of 1853-54. 13 Pacific Railroad Seports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith 's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 39.

	Explorations for a Central Route                   91 which had lured Fremont to the disaster of 1848-49,14 in which several of Gunnison's paxiy had participated. G-unnison there­fore directed that the survey proceed west towards the entrance of Coochetopa Pass.15 Meanwhile he continued north along the San Luis Valley to the summit of the divide separating the head­waters of the Arkansas from those of the Bio Grande. Cross­ing by means of a well traveled Indian trail, he reached the 1' beautiful plains of the Arkansas.'' As a testimonial of respect to the officer who explored it, Beckwith gave his name to the pass.16 Gunnison rejoined his party on Sawatch (or Saguache) Creek near the mouth of the Coochetopa Pass. The ascent from the valley of the San Luis was then made, following the windings of the Sawatch; the slope was gradual until near the summit, where it became abrupt and difficult. For railroad construction a long tunnel wyas judged to be necessary.17 The descent on the opposite slope was made by way of Pass Creek and the Cooche­topa, the latter being followed to a larger stream which Gun­nison called the Grand; "following the eastern slope of the Elk mountains to their termination, Grand river passes to the south and west of them, where it joins the Nah-un-kah-rea, or Blue river of the Indians and mountain men, which arises in the Middle Park, and is erroneously called Grand river on some of the most correct maps."18 But the previous designation has persisted, and the stream which Gunnison believed to be the Grand today bears his own name, Gunnison, while the Blue
	14 See Dellenbaugh, Fremont and '49, 395-397 for an account of his disasters. is Pacific Railroad Reports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 44. is The pass is now designated as Poncha Pass and is traversed by the southern branch of the Denver and Rio Grande. 17 Pacific Railroad Reports, II, pt. 1 (Beckwith's report of explorations by Captain Gunnison near the 38th and 39th parallels), p. 48. is Ibid., 50.

	92                   Explorations for Pacific Railroads River of Beekwith 's narrative is the modern Grand River. Gun-nison minutely examined the river canon, while his train was forced to keep to the foothills. The route was found to be so difficult, however, that at Lake Fort the direction of the survey was changed to the southwest to Cebolla Creek and thence across a small divide to Uncompagre Creek. The valley of the latter was followed to the Gunnison River once more, but was so impracticable as to cause the report that a railroad, "if at all, can only be carried on this part of Grand [Gunnison] river immediately along its banks."19 The canon of the Grand had terminated at Smith's Pork, thus making the remainder of the valley of the Gunnison River practicable for a railroad construc­tion. Gunnison's party continued to follow the river and to search for the Spanish trail. The Grand River (the Blue River of Beckwith's narrative) was reached on September 19, and its valley followed for several miles to Bitter Water Creek. Then, in detouring to avoid the sharp canons, a direct route was pur­sued due west to the Green River. This section was "not only crossed with great labor and difficulty, but it was utterly value­less for occupation and settlement by civilized man."20 The party was now upon the well-known Spanish trail, which at this point was in almost constant use by the Akanaquint, or Green River Utahs.21